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Momodou
Denmark
11681 Posts |
 Posted - 25 May 2006 : 16:29:30
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DARFUR REPORT
We are publishing the report of the Pan African Parliament on Dafur in series.
The head of the mission was Honourable Abdul Katuntu, from Uganda and the rapporteur Halifa Sallah the Gambia.
Part 1
The Executive summary
1.1 Population, Development and Governance
The demographic and historical overview indicates the genesis of the crisis. Sudan is the largest country in Africa covering 2.5 million square kilometres. It is reported that it is populated by 250 tribes. This reality poses challenges of development and governability. Sudan shares borders with 9 African countries such as Libya, Chad, Central African Republic, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya, Egypt and DRC.
Darfur covers an area of 256,000 km2. It is populated by 80 tribes who are mainly nomads and farmers, living in remote villages.
During the British colonial administration, Darfur, which lies in the West of Sudan, was administered as a closed district just like
Southern Sudan. No attempt was made to invest in the development of its infrastructure or promote agricultural and industrial development.
The colonialists administered the territory by indirect rule through local Sultans and Chiefs. Our findings reveal that the political and socio-economic marginalization of Darfur persisted after independence.
1.2 Causes of the conflict
While acknowledging the low level of infrastructural development in Darfur and the poverty of the people, the government claims that this is not the cause of the current conflict. It argues that the war in the South had undermined efforts to develop Darfur and other parts of the country which had been neglected by previous governments. It claims that it has a comprehensive plan for the sharing of resources and power between all the regions, to bridge the gap. It attributed the causes of the conflict to the exploitation of the existing conflicts between the nomads and farmers over land, for farming or grazing, by the opponents of the government. Sympathizers of the government argue that a split in the ruling Popular Congress Party allegedly led to the creation of the Turabi faction. They accuse this faction of being behind the war in Darfur. They claim that the people of Darfur share one religion and that colour does not determine membership to an Arab tribe. They attribute the allegation of racially motivated atrocities and genocide to hostile propaganda by the armed opposition. Some opposed to the armed opposition classify it as a rebellion of the Zaghawa and Fur tribes and insisted that only three tribes in Darfur are involved in the conflict.
On the other hand, the armed opposition attributes the genesis of the crisis to a deliberate policy by the government to keep Darfur economically and politically marginalized. The SLM, in particular,
11 emphasizes that repeated calls have been made on the government to focus its attention on the socio-economic problems of Darfur and the lack of security of the Non-Arab tribes.
They claim that, instead of addressing the problems, some powerful men in the government who were racially motivated established an underground association to give wealth, land and power to Arabs and push African tribes out of Darfur to become refugees in neighbouring countries. They call this ethnic cleansing. According to them these aims were racially motivated and their implementation took the form of integrating the janjaweed into the popular defence forces to give support to those who raided villages to abduct women and children, loot cattle and camels and burnt houses.
They claim that the Sudanese population knows the difference between Arab and Africans, even if the claims of being Arab do not sometimes go along racial lines. They indicated that they took up arms to protect their people from the burning of their villages, the raping of women and the seizure of their properties. According to them their primary objective is to protect their people and create a new democratic Sudan that will respect the political, social and economic rights of the people of all regions
1.3 Consequences of the crisis
A. Military
The intensification of the war has led to the proliferation of weapons and the arming of militias and revenge attacks. Villages have been razed to the ground and their populations dispersed or killed. It is reported that 80% of the people in Darfur were armed during the peak of the crisis.
B. Security
A climate of insecurity exists in the villages and people are unable to cultivate the land or take care of their animals. The people in the camps are afraid to return because of memories of atrocities. There is a development of pro-government or pro- armed opposition camps and the villagers are being classified as government sympathizers or rebel sympathizers. If this continues, any dismantling of the camps could lead to the intensification of the war as displaced persons find security in being combatants.
C. Humanitarian
It is claimed that between 1. 5 and 2.5 million people are displaced and are either staying in the IDP camps or have moved across the border to become refugees. Farms have been abandoned and houses, livestock and other properties lost. Most depend on Food Aid. Even the families of some parliamentarians from Darfur are refugees in Chad. Female Judges are conducting judicial inquiries on rape and other violence against women. However their resources are inadequate.
1.4 The Prospects For a solution
In order to arrest the humanitarian catastrophe the government and armed opposition were drawn to the negotiation table on 8 April 2004. The parties signed the Humanitarian Cease-fire agreement. The agreement has two components. The first component comprises the cessation of hostilities by abandoning military action and hostile propaganda; ensuring access to humanitarian assistance and guaranteeing the free movement of goods and people.
The second aspect deals with negotiations to establish a democratic political culture in Darfur that would guarantee the population their economic, political and social rights. The protocol further made reference to the return of displaced persons to their homes. A Ceasefire commission was mandated to monitor any violation of the agreement and the Chairperson of the Assembly of Heads of State is charged with the responsibility of facilitating the negotiation for political settlement.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 40/2006, 25-28 May,2006
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A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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Janyanfara
Tanzania
1350 Posts |
Posted - 27 May 2006 : 00:34:58
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Dear Momodou,
You are a genious I shall come with more Sooner.The world's worst place where there is real hell is Sudan.I can't imagine man can be wicked to man in such a fashion as in Sudan[ Dafur] is a real living hell.
Mankajang Janyanfara |
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taalibeh
Gambia
336 Posts |
Posted - 27 May 2006 : 12:07:22
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It is ironic, isn't it. What pains me most is the fact that most of the horrible things happens in muslim countries. Muslims against muslims. Today if America wants to silicit information through torture they send their victims to Muslim countries because the act is illegal in the USA.
We have betrayed Islam and will surely pay for this. The murderings, dicapitating, burrying living humans etc etc is only taking place in muslim countries.
You look at jammeh and think he is the most pious muslim but what is inside is obominable. It is worth looking inside oneself and try to do away with the horrible feelings. It is a shame.
Non muslims can only judge Islam through our deeds. That gives the religion a bad name while it is the most decent gift to mankind.
Western governments are replicating heaven on earth while African governments are copying hell on earth. What a contrast.
What are our contributions to civilization? I hate to see human tears particular Africans. We have been crying for a long through the cause of our own. When is every African going to be a Nkruma of Africa, or a Halifa Sallah of AFrica? WHEN? |
Taalibeh |
Edited by - taalibeh on 27 May 2006 12:09:43 |
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Momodou
Denmark
11681 Posts |
Posted - 30 May 2006 : 12:33:25
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DARFUR REPORT (Continued)
We are publishing the report of the Pan-African Parliament on Darfur in series. The head of the mission was Honourable Abdul Katuntu, from Uganda and the rapporteur Halifa Sallah the Gambia.
1.5 The AU mission in Sudan AMIS
The Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for two forms of intervention by the African Union. Article 4(h) provides for the intervention in the member state when the AU decides that grave circumstances prevail in a country, namely: genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Secondly, article 4(j) accords member states the right to request ~ intervention from the Union in order to restore peace and stability.
Our findings reveal that the Assembly of Heads of State did not wait to investigate reports of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity to build a case to intervene in Darfur on the basis of 4(h), nor did the Sudanese government invite the AU to intervene. The AU took a proactive role in convincing the Sudanese government to accept African Union mediation and further participated in the negotiations to sign the Humanitarian Cease-fire Agreement. It then convened other meetings to work out the modalities for the operation of the Cease-Fire Commission and the deployment of military observers. It has also been convening conferences in Abuja to discuss the issue of political settlement.
Many agreements and protocols have been signed to that effect.
1.6 The realities on the ground
The AU mission in Sudan, AMIS, is established in Khartum. The Cease-Fire Commission is established in EI Fashir, Northern Darfur.
It has six sectors in Northern, Southern and Western Darfur comprising military observers and their protectors. They are monitoring the violations. Representatives of the Sudanese government and armed opposition are also part of the Cease-Fire Commission. The Cease-Fire Commission has recorded many violations and the integrity of the AU mission risks being compromised if nothing is done about the report of violations.
Our findings reveal that both components of the AU Humanitarian Cease-Fire Agreement are far from being implemented. War still continues even though it is at a lower scale. The political negotiation aimed at bringing a final settlement of the conflict has not taken root. The displaced persons have not returned to their villages.
1.7 The way forward
The mission finds that the AU has undoubtedly become the premier organ that is driving the crisis management and resolution process in Darfur, as envisaged in the General Principles of the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa. Effective intermediary steps have been taken to draw up a Cease-Fire Agreement, which obliges all the parties to be committed to the cessation of hostilities and the negotiation for a comprehensive political settlement. The primary concern of the people of Darfur is how to put an end to the climate of violence and insecurity. They are yearning for protection.
The mission concludes that the two uppermost tasks, before the African Union, are how to guarantee the cessation of hostilities, to ensure the peaceful settlement and protection of the people and facilitate the speedy completion of the negotiations for a comprehensive governance and development agenda for Darfur.
It calls for measures to be taken to enhance the mandate of the CFC not only to deploy military protectors to protect the military observers but also to protect the common people of Darfur. It holds that the political negotiation is taking too long to start. This can lead to apathy and preoccupation with protection and security issues on the ground.
In summary, the mission recommends among other things the enhancing of the mandate of the CFC to enable it to arrest the violations, the strengthening of the political, technical and administrative components at the AMIS headquarters and the breaking of the impasse, to facilitating the speedy settlement of the political negotiations for a fair distribution of power and resources in Darfur. It advises that all agreements be subjected to validation exercise by holding a comprehensive National Conference on peace, governance and development in Darfur, in particular and all regions of Sudan in general.
Finally, the mission recommends the engagement of Darfur by various Committees of Pan-African Parliament.
Part Two
DEMOGRAPHIC AND HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
2.1 Population and Geography
Sudan has a population of 35,000,000. It is the largest country in Africa covering 2. 5 million square kilometres. It is bordered by 9 countries. There are 250 tribes. Many of these tribes have links with the same tribes in neighbouring countries. The countries, which share border with Sudan, are Libya, Chad, Central Africa Republic, Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea and Egypt.
Darfur is a peculiar region of Sudan. It lies in the Western part of Sudan. It covers an area of 256, 000 km2. Darfur has a population of 5.000.000. Currently, it is divided into 3 states namely Northern Darfur with its administrative headquarters at AI Fashir, Western Darfur with its headquarters at AI Junaynah and Southern Darfur with its headquarters at Nyala. Darfur has 80 tribes but comprises a monolithic nature in terms of religion. Language and culture bind some of the tribes in the area. For example, it is claimed that 1/3 of the members of the Zaghawa Tribe live in Sudan while the other 2/3 live in Chad.
2.2 Colonial Administration and Investment
Historically, Darfur was not part of the Condominium Agreement between Britain and Egypt on the Joint Administration of Anglo Egyptian Sudan in 1899, after the battle of Omdurman in 1898. History teaches that the Darfur region served as the seat of the Sultanate of Sultan AIi Dinar. Darfur became a home of most of the leaders of the Mahdi Revolution. According to the records provided by former Chief Justice Dafallah AIlhajh Yusuf, Darfur was annexed in
1916 as the British consolidated their rule in Sudan. The transformation of the Southern part of Sudan and Darfur in the West into deprived and marginalized territories started with the pattern of colonial administration and investment.
The British companies established cotton industries in Egypt and used Sudan as a source of raw material for their industries. They constructed the Sennar Dam in 1925 which made it possible to irrigate more than 240,000 Feddans of land in the Gezira area, the basin of the White and Blue Nile. Cotton plantations took over the best land and Sudan was turned into a one crop economy. In 1929, for example, cotton accounted for 70% of all export receipts in Sudan. The development of the Gezira and other irrigation systems was accompanied by the building of a new railway station running from Atbara to Port Sudan on the Red Sea which was then connected to Kassala and Sennar. Development therefore concentrated in the north to the exclusion of the South and the West.
In terms of governance, the British colonial administration transformed places in the provinces such as Darfur in the West and the Equatorial, Bahr EI Ghazal, Mangala and Upper Nile provinces in the South into closed districts where indirect rule was applied. Consequently, these regions were left under what the British termed as native administration. These districts functioned almost like the former homelands in South Africa during Apartheid rule. This is the Sudan that existed until the intelligentsia established the Graduates’ General Congress of 1937 and began to call for constitutional reform, which led to the establishment of political parties among the elites.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 41/2006, 29-31 May 2006 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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Momodou
Denmark
11681 Posts |
Posted - 01 Jun 2006 : 16:53:04
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DARFUR REPORT
(Part 3)
We are publishing the report of the report of the Pan-African Parliament on Darfur in series. The head of the mission was Honourable Abdul Katuntu, from Uganda and the rapporteur
Halifa Sallah the Gambia.
2.3 Post Colonial Administration, Investment and Conflict
Armed conflict is not new to the politics of Sudan. Friction between North and South started after the British conceded to establish a two Chamber Parliament. As Sudan moved towards independence ,with the establishment of the international Electoral Commission to preside over elections, troops stationed in the Equatorial Province mutinied and demanded an autonomous Southern province. The uprising was crushed by force by Ismail Al Azhari's Government but not much was done by subsequent governments, after Sudan became a Republic in 1956, to address the uneven development in the sharing of wealth and power. These inequalities continued to promote separatist tendencies.
Government ruled mainly by cooptation of prominent personalities from the West and South rather than the devolution of power and the spreading of social and economic development to the regions, on the basis of equity. This is the Sudan that persists up to today. Many Sudanese claim that the disparities inherited from colonialism are the root causes of the conflict between North and South and the North and west.
Part Three
THE MILITARY ASPECT OF THE CRISIS
3. 1 Proliferation of weapons
The representatives of the government claim that Sudan shares 1300 kilometre border with Chad and 500 kilometre border with Central African Republic. They intimate to the mission that some of the family members of the present President of Chad received their education in Sudan. They argue that 80% of tribesmen in Darfur carry weapons,
That the conflict in the 70's and 80's between Libya and Chad and the struggles between Ethiopia and Eritrea did not leave Sudan unaffected by the proliferation of weapons. It is claimed that the same tribes occupy two sides of the borders that Sudan has with its neighbours; that tribes have supported each other during conflicts. It is claimed that the acquisition of sophisticated weapons by tribesmen had led to their use in settling tribal conflicts; that those opposed to the government have transformed Darfur into a base to wage war against the Government. It is claimed that as of June 2004, the armed opposition had attacked 80 police stations to collect weapons and vehicles and killed 400 police personnel. It is cited that one of the major developments which led to the intensification of the war is the attack on Al Fashir Airport in March 2003 in which 7 planes were destroyed.
On the other hand, those with affinity to the armed opposition claimed that the people in Darfur were driven to arms because of the collaboration between the Government and the Nomads who initially invaded the agricultural land of the farmers for grazing for their livestock. It is alleged that the police and all the security agents of the state disregarded the grievances of the farmers which led to conflict at the local level. It is alleged that the government forces started to arm the nomads whom they referred to as Janjaweed to serve as local militias to oppress the other tribes. Revenge by other tribes for injustices is said to have led to reprisal by the Janjaweed, with the support of the government forces. They argue that the armed opposition emerged as a reaction to the intensification of the burning of villages and the seizure of property by the alleged government backed Janjaweed.
3.2 Intensification of the warWhat appeared like a conflict between nomads and farmers or members of different tribes has gained a political character as the state established people's defence forces in Darfur are accused of supporting Arab tribes while the armed opposition are accused of recruiting people from the tribes opposed to the government.
Consequently pro-government militias and pro-armed opposition militias are reported to have grown at a rapid pace. This has led to the intensification of the war. The government is accused of backing the pro-government militias with helicopter gunships and antenovs while the armed opposition are accused of using rocket propelled grenade and other sophisticated weapons. Hence the situation developed into war which led to the bombing and burning of villages, the killing of many people and the eventual displacements of millions to either become refugees or be relocated to camps for internally displaced persons.
Our finding reveals that despite the Cease-Fire Agreement the war is still on in Darfur.
Part Four
THE SECURITY SITUATION
4.1 Climate of fear
The combatants on all sides still control their arms and the displaced persons we have met still have their memories of burnings and killings in their villages. Many of them spoke about serious atrocities. Of course, some dismissed some of these accounts as fabrications by rebel sympathizers. Notwithstanding, a state of insecurity still prevails as some are accused of being rebel sympathizers while others are accused of being Janjaweed or government agents. Distrust abounds. Native administration has been tom apart; customary justice is in shambles. The IDP camps are not even spared from fear and distrust. For example, at the Kalma Camp in Nyala, we received reports of atrocities being committed. However, when some members of our delegation suggested that the people should organize themselves into groups, in accordance with their villages of origin and select a spokesperson to report on all violence or injustices against them to the police or the AU military observers, they chorused that they will not do such a thing, because of the fear of reprisal. People looked around before talking to us. Whether real or pretentious a climate of insecurity and suspicion was evident. People complained about the continuous sound of gunfire, arrests without trial and pressure to go back to villages where they claimed they could find no security. The government, however, claimed that the vast majority of displaced persons ran to the government held areas for security. According to them, this reveals that the displaced persons have greater trust for the government.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 42/2006, 1 June - 4 June, 2006 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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Momodou
Denmark
11681 Posts |
Posted - 11 Jun 2006 : 15:33:32
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DARFUR REPORT
(Part 4)
4. 1 Fragility of the peace
Discussions with the security forces of the government, on the ground indicated that they are viewed with distrust by many people in the IDP Camps. They alleged that they are also target of attacks. In fact a report was given of the killing of the head of the government police post in Nyala near the Kalma camp, because of an armed attack, on their camp, few weeks before our arrival. There is lack of confidence and trust between government police and the governed in Darfur, the security forces and those who are to be secured. The fragility of the security situation became evident when one of the armed groups declared that it could no longer respect the cease fire. The government of the state in Northern Darfur immediately declared a state of emergency and established checkpoints in strategic areas. The AU mission was informed that the security of the Representatives of the armed opposition in the Cease-Fire Commission and its sectors could no longer be guaranteed. Within a matter of hours a war situation prevailed in Darfur and our mission was caught up in it. However when the declaration was revoked through our intervention, the state of emergency was revoked and the militarization dissipated within a matter of hours. This confirms the fluidity of the security situation in Darfur.
Part Five
HUMANITARIAN ASPECT
4 .1 Displacement
The first sector we visited was Tine, in Western Darfur, close to the Chad border and Abeshe in Chad. The village of Tine is deserted. The houses had been razed to the ground and all the villagers in the surrounding areas had moved to Chad to become refugees. A total of over 123,000 people were reported to have been displaced. The Kalma camp in Nyala is reported to contain over 100,000 displaced persons. It is estimated that one third of the population of Darfur became
displaced. This put the figure at between 1,500,000 and 2,000,000 millions. The deaths are still being counted. The value of properties destroyed is yet to be quantified
5.2 Human Rights
The Advisory Council on Human Rights in Sudan is monitoring some complaints and facilitating the appointment of judges to look at the cases of rape, murder and other forms of violence against the people of Darfur. There is evidence of rape and violence against women. However, the judges are having difficulty in winning the trust and confidence of alleged victims who often enquire what they would gain by exposing culprits. They also have serious resource and logistical constraints. Cases were reported of missing family members, detention without trial of some displaced persons, the use of whip during arrests and indiscriminate destruction of life and property during raids.
5.3 Humanitarian Assistance
The conflict in Darfur has resulted in a humanitarian disaster. People have been displaced from their agricultural lands. Their food stock and livestock have been lost; millions depend on humanitarian aid. The facility we visited for the storage of humanitarian aid at Kalma camp revealed the existence of stocks of oil, corn and other grains. There was no stock of fish or meat. When people were asked the content of their meals in the villages they mentioned meat, milk and other grains. There is need for nutritionists to study the diet being provided through humanitarian assistance. The health status of the women and children needs assessment. We have received reports on child mortality and morbidity rates in the camps. This will require further study by experts. The situation of pregnant women and children needs special study by competent agencies. It is not clear whether the children in the camps are receiving proper education and proper nutrition. Their appearance leaves much to be desired. Skin diseases, bare footedness, poor clothing, lack of proper sanitation indicate inadequacy of care. Waste disposal is also problematic. Our attempts to discuss with some people in the camps for displaced persons on the issue of HIV / AIDS was abortive. This means that the issue of HIV / AIDS has not come to the notice of many people in the camp. It is therefore very clear that while the focal points of the armed opposition had been to take over major military and security installations in Darfur, cease weapon and weaken authority of the government over the people and the territory of Darfur, the reaction of the government has been to use its air power and heavy weapons to deprive the armed opposition of any liberated territory to consolidate. What both have achieved is a traumatized, displaced and insecure population who are beginning to have more trust for outside forces than their own citizens.
Part SIX
THE POLITICAL ASPECT
6.1 Opinions On The Political Situation
Representatives of the Sudanese government indicate that Sudan has been operating a secular government; that states have their governments, cabinets and parliaments. They argue that the
composition of their central government is not based on race, tribe or place of origin; that 6 ministers in the Sudanese cabinet are from Darfur. They highlighted many senior positions such as Chief of Staff occupied by people from the Darfur region. They informed the mission that they are conscious of the poor infrastructural development in Darfur but attributed this to the long standing conflict in the South which they claimed diverted resources to prosecute the war. They indicated that they have worked out a comprehensive plan for the sharing of power and resources in Sudan that could address the problem of Darfur. They made reference to the Navaisha agreement between the government and SPLA. The agreement will eventually lead to the creation of an upper and lower house to accommodate diversity and density of populations; that the states in the regions would have a great degree of autonomy to run their governments and parliaments and further share power at the federal level. They claimed that they are interested in a speedy negotiation at the Abuja talks to bring peace to Darfur.
They argue vehemently that there is no plan to carry out ethnic cleansing in Darfur; that the problem is mainly between the pastoralists and agriculturalists who are engaged in a struggle for land; that the pastoralists are mainly from the Arab tribes while the agriculturists are mainly from the non Arab tribes.
They informed the mission that the villages are led by headmen who engage in consultations to solve their local problems, that the situation in Darfur has been complicated by the presence of an armed opposition, which has destroyed the security infrastructure. They indicated that it is the aim of the government to disarm the Janjaweed to ensure the governability of Darfur. They argued that the Arab and African tribes have intermarriages and that there is no distinction between Arab and non Arab to lend justification to allegation of genocide.
The representatives of Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement at the CFC indicated that their movement is not a faction of any movement established by Turabi. It is claimed that the members of the movement came from diverse backgrounds and have the aim of creating a new Sudan that would not marginalize places like Darfur.
Representatives of the Sudanese Liberation Movement indicated that what is happening in Darfur is not an accident; that it started with the establishment of an association it called the Arab Congregation in 1987 that had the primary objective of excluding the non Arab population from holding any position of influence in the country. They claim that for many years, Arabs in general were posted to be governors of the states in Darfur. According to them, this led to a deliberate policy to seize land from African Tribes by Arab nomads who were armed by security forces; that many efforts were made to alert the government to the growing strength of the Janjaweed and the escalation of their atrocities against the non Arab tribes. They argue that the Government ignored all the abuses and further alleged that the Government security forces would even carry out raids to confiscate the weapons of non Arab tribes who pose resistance to the Janjaweed just to make them more vulnerable to their attacks.
What is evident is that, the local issues of Darfur and its National Character interrogate the policies that have been pursued since the Republic came into being. The issue of property and its protection, the issue of protection from inhumane and degrading punishment, the issue of discrimination on the basis of race or tribe, the issue of having a say in how one’s community is run, the issue of water and land for grazing and cultivation, the issue of sexual harassment and violence against women cannot be reduced simply to a tribal or racial affair. These are all questions of governance, as we know it today. It is alleged that the smaller Arab tribal groups in Darfur are seeking security by linking to powerful groups in the government and that members of the Fur and Zaghawa tribes who are isolated are also being motivated to seek security by allying with the armed opposition. This ultimately creates the camp of the government and the camp of the armed apposition. If these two forces continue to arm the population the conflict will appear like a civil war among tribes. It is very common for the people in the camps to identify a whole tribe as being the perpetrators of their suffering. This deepens ethnic hatred and division.
The factors which motivated the farm and the cattle owners to ally with either force and give the conflict a tribal and racial dimension need to be addressed and articulated into a comprehensive National Settlement Plan. This requires the transformation of the armed opposition into a legal opposition and the transformation of the government into one that protects the lives and properties and guarantee the security of all citizens, irrespective of their tribe, race or origin.
6.2 The Prospects for Political settlement
Sudan is sitting on a knife’s edge. Darfur is the knife. The war has revealed the worst in the contending forces. However, the focus of the international Community on the atrocities has forced all sectors of the conflict to be self searching and forward looking. Every Sudanese refuses to be seen as a tribalist, racist, or anti nationalist. The members of the National Assembly, the Ministers, the Judges, the Public Servants are constantly pointing out the homogeneity of the Sudanese population despite their diversity. They constantly point out that people with features which ordinarily qualify them to be called Arabs are Nubians or members of other tribes. Others with features which would ordinarily qualify them to situate their origin in an African tribe are classified as Arabs. Being an Arab, they would argue, is both a racial and cultural issue. Those who possess Arab racial features but do not have Arab as their mother tongue are not considered Arabs. Those who do not have Arab racial features but have Arabic as their mother tongue are considered Arabs.
However representatives of the armed opposition claimed that these notions are misconceived. They argue that the discrimination by Arabs against non Arabs is subtle and does not involve all Arabs; that it is known mainly by the people in Sudan. They argue that the Arab tribes and the African tribes intermarry; that those whose fathers are Arabs become accepted as Arabs but those whose fathers are non Arabs remain as non Arabs; that despite religious and linguistic harmony there are distinct socio- cultural factors which separate Arabs from non Arabs and that some Arabs are in pursuit of racial supremacy. The armed opposition claim that it is only after their resistance had impacted on the Sudanese state that the situation of the non- Arabs began to change. They, however, maintain that their resistance is not a racial one because some Arabs are in support of the creation of the new Sudan which treats all people as equals. Hence, it is evident that all over Sudan there is a growing realization of the diversity of its people and the need to promote harmony, despite the diversity. This is an asset, which can foster National consciousness and cohesion. In short, it is becoming clear to all Sudanese that the quickest way to negate the Sovereignty of a state is not just to be threatened by an armed opposition; on the contrary, it is to over react to such an opposition to the point of alienating and traumatizing the vast majority of the population. That is the surest way of inviting foreign intervention under popular appeal.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 43&44/2006, 5-7 June & 8 - 11 June, 2006 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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Momodou
Denmark
11681 Posts |
Posted - 12 Jun 2006 : 23:09:05
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Part Seven
THE STATUS OF THE AU MISSION IN SUDAN
7.1 Principles Of The Mission
The briefings we received from the Peace and Security Department of the African Commission reveal that the AU was moved to action because of the realization that the responsibility for the security, stability and socio-economic development of the continent lies primarily with African states.
This accords well with the principles enshrined in the Declaration of the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA) which has been endorsed by the members of the AU.
The first principle indicates that “African countries will be guided by the principle of the peaceful resolution of disputes, with emphasis on seeking African solutions to African problems.”
Secondly, that while recognizing that the primary responsibility for the maintenance of International peace and security lies with the United Nations, the African Union, in close cooperation with the United Nations and Regional Economic Communities, remains the premier organization for promoting security stability, development and cooperation in Africa.
According to the briefing the dictate of collective self interest of the African continent compelled the AU to open up a channel of communication with the Sudanese government to discuss how it can assist in the management and resolution of a crisis which had engendered the scale of humanitarian catastrophe that merited the attention of the security council, in particular and the international community at large.
The experts from the peace and security department indicated that the Sudanese government was initially suspicious of the presence of any external force on its territory to deal with the crisis in Darfur; that it took some confidence building measures before the Sudanese government would agree to the establishment of an AU mission in Sudan to deal with the Darfur crisis.
The mission was very much interested in conceptualizing the succession of events which culminated in the establishment of the AU mission in Sudan and its status. This is in line with Article 18 of the protocol establishing the peace and Security Council which makes it mandatory for the Pan African parliament to be intimated with developments regarding all missions undertaken by the council in matters of peace and security, upon request.
Literature review revealed that the African Union could have intervened in Sudan on its own accord or through the invitation of the Sudanese government. This is clearly stipulated in Article 4(h) and 4(j) of the Constitutive Act of the AU.
Article 4(h) affirms that the right of the union to intervene in a member state pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Our enquiry revealed that no session was held by the Assembly of the AU to consider intervention in Sudan on the basis of war crimes, genocide or crimes against humanity.
On the other hand, article 4 (j) accords member states the right “to request intervention from the union in order to restore peace and stability”. Since the officers of the Peace and Security Department of the AU indicated that the Sudanese government did not request for intervention, the mission requested for more information on how the AU mission in Sudan became legitimized.
The mission gathered that the AU did not wait to send experts to gather evidence on genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in order to establish a basis to intervene, on the contrary, the early warning signals of a humanitarian catastrophe was sufficiently evident. The AU had to intimate to the Sudanese government that it was more honourable for African states to solve Africa’s problems than to wait for action by the Security Council and the international
community. They indicated that the attitude of the Sudanese government eventually moved from suspicion and reservation to cooperation and accommodation. By April 2004, the AU had taken the initiative to assume a premier role in assisting Sudan to find a solution to the Darfur crisis.
7.2 Genesis Of The Mission
The first step to manage the crisis was to commit the Sudanese government and the armed opposition, namely, the Sudanese Liberation Movement and its army (SLA/SLM) and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement (SJEM), to a ceasefire agreement on 8th April 2004.
The agreement was signed by Minister of Investment of Sudan; the Secretary General of SLA/SLM; the President of the Sudanese Justice and Equality movement; the Minister of State of Chad and a representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission.
The Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement on the conflict in Darfur addresses both political and humanitarian concerns. It has two components. The first component constitutes the cessation of hostilities by abandoning military action and hostile propaganda, facilitation of access to humanitarian assistance and ensuring free movement of goods and people.
The second aspect deals with the political negotiation to establish a democratic political culture in Darfur that can guarantee the population, their political, economic and social rights. A protocol on the establishment of humanitarian assistance in Darfur was also signed on the same day. The protocol establishes six general principles and four specific directives to govern the provision of humanitarian assistance. The principles entail humanitarian consideration, impartiality, neutrality, dignity, transparency and accountability. The directives relate to unrestricted access, assurance of security, protection of providers and beneficiaries of assistance and the return of refugees and displaced persons.
The Agreement provided for a Ceasefire Commission and mandated it to conduct investigation, verification and monitoring of compliance with the agreement. The agreement however, did not indicate the modalities of the Ceasefire Commission and how the observers were to be deployed. The role of the AU was not detailed in its specificities. The AU Peace and Security Council held a meeting on 25 May, 2004 which authorized the chairperson of The AU Commission to take all necessary measures to ensure an effective monitoring of the humanitarian cease fire agreement and called on the parties in Sudan to extend full cooperation to the cease fire commission (CFC) and the AU observers.
The status of the AU mission in Sudan became clear in the Addis Ababa Agreement signed by the parties on 28th May, 2004. The Agreement indicated the modalities for the establishment of the Ceasefire Commission (CFC) and deployment of military Observers in Darfur.
On the 4th June 2004 the status of the AU Mission with regards to the CFC was further clarified. The provision indicates that the Operational Arm of the Ceasefire Commission shall be the African Union monitoring mission. The Observers were to come from the government of Sudan, the armed opposition, African Union member states and other representatives of the international community.
The Ceasefire Commission was mandated to request for the deployment of Military Observers and Military Protectors to safeguard their security.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 45/2006, 12-14 June, 2006 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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Janyanfara
Tanzania
1350 Posts |
Posted - 13 Jun 2006 : 00:12:31
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Thank you Momodou.
And you know what is happening inDafur now Talibeh?
This Janjaweed would rape women and instead of consolation from her family,the woman would be regarded as shamed and sometimes rejected by her husband.I conld not understand what kind of tradition is that inhuman treatment.Was the woman's rape her own fault?When she has to find wood to cook for the sterving family.
I sometimes find it hard to belief that must evil people on earth are calling themselves Muslims.All activities of torture happened in muslim countries.Sometimes it even question the very religion itself.Look at muslims envy,hatred going to marabouts for somebody's life or inflicting harm to the person.Treating women as second class or sometimes as breaders,sextools you name it.
In somalia (Mogadishu),just two days ago,the extreamist controlled area,people where banned from watching the world-cup march on the TV saying this was against Islam.Shame on to them.What religion would refuse people their freedom.All I know about Islam is "This wounderful religion would never bread hardship on people.Most mullahs, Mahdis,and some Islamic leader are Satan possessed and they are not following the footsteps of the holy prophet but Satan incarnated and mark you this satan incarnation is spreading like bush fire into the muslim world.
Mankajang Janyanfara |
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kondorong
Gambia
4380 Posts |
Posted - 13 Jun 2006 : 20:28:56
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I know for a fact that the Prophet Mohammed used to allow Christians to conduct Sunday service in the mosque. That was tolerance and there are many countless examples of tolerance in this religion. In fact Islam calls them PEOPLE OF THE BOOK.
Watching a football match cannot be un-Islamic. That is why the first revelation in the Holy Book says READ IN THE NAME OF YOUR LORD, WHO HAS CREATED MAN FROM A CLOT OF BLOOD, READ YOUR LORD IS MOST GENEROUS ETC. In fact the Lord said that we seek knowledge first before we can worship. Knowledge came first before everything even prayer, Zakat, Hajj etc.
The unfortunate thing is many a Muslim have very little knowledge of the religion. It was said in the times of one of the Caliphs i believe Omar who married a daughter of the prophet who banned women from praying at the mosque for the evening prayers because it was considered not save and that they may be subjected to an attack from men through rape etc.
His wife challenged him to show his evidence in the Holy Book or Sunnah (traditions of the prophet). He could not. He told him when the prophet was alive, he never barred women from prayers in the mosque and as such he had no authority to "re-invent the wheel".
The problem with women issues in Islam is that many women are not educated in the religion enough and men have always interpreted it for them. SEEK YE KNOWLEDGE AND YOU SHALL BE FREE. There are countless brave women who worked for the advancement of this religion. They were never for once been degraded in the days of the Prophet. Te Prophet said seek knowledge even if it would mean traveling to China. 2000 years ago, traveling to China from the Arabian Peninsula can be equated to trying to reach the moon in 18th century. It was that hard but we were challenged to seek knowledge not only from Muslims, as the Chinese were not one by the time the Prophet uttered these words. Knowledge has no bounds so long as it helps you to be a good Muslim and improves your understanding of God.
I know for sure that there are two imams in the Gambia who play soccer. Soccer is not illegal and i challenge anyone to show me where it is stated in the Holy Book or the Sunnah. One of them was once arrested and has since been removed as Imam.
In Islam we are asked to balance our lives and not keep worshipping all the time.
There was an incident when someone used to stay in the mosque praying all the time. He only exits the mosque when he needed to use the rest room. One day, the disciples were discussing how holy that man must be. When the Prophet heard of the man, he asked if he does not eat etc. They replied that the disciples provided meals for him. The prophet swore by God, that those who provided meals were much loved in the eyes of God. Getting out and working for your sustenance is core to Islamic principles. A handout is looked low upon. The same way, we are encouraged to be part of the community we belong to. In fact a neighbor in Islam is considered 40 homes in each direction of ones house.
A similar narration also about David did occur. In Islam, David was both a Prophet and a Ruler and very just in deed. It was said that he would dress in torn clothes and walk through town disguised. He would ask people about their king. Everyone praised him for being just and honest except a man he met on one of his rounds. The man said that his only weakness was that he lived on the sweat of his people who paid taxes to sustain him and his family. David then cried to God for a skill to live by. He then became a smith and lived off his means until he died.
The first convert to Islam was a Muslim woman (Khadija) who gave all her wealth for this religion. This religion does not bar women from working, seeking education etc. In fact it is more desirable for women to be more educated than men because a Woman imparts more influence in a Child than the Father. An educated Woman leads to an educated society. Partly also because when there is separation, the woman has the right to keep the children in Islam until the age of seven in the case of boys and the girls remains with the mother. It is the motherly influence on a child which is being recognized and I tell you Child support is not anything new.
THERE ARE TOO MANY ABSENTEE FATHERS THESE DAYS, THAT FOR SOCIETY TO ADVANCE, WOMEN HAVE TO COME OUT OF THE CLOSETS AND BE PARTNERS IN DEVELOPMENT.
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