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Momodou
Denmark
11829 Posts |
 Posted - 20 May 2006 : 14:42:32
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STATEMENT BY THE NADD FLAG BEARER ON THE KOMBO EAST BY ELECTIONS
VICTORY FOR THE PEOPLE AND A DEFEAT FOR OPPOSITION AND RULING PARTY
The Kombo East By election is now history. History indeed is the teacher of the wise. Our duty now is to draw the relevant lessons from the experience.
First and foremost, the results of the election are instructive. The APRC has 3665 votes. The combined opposition has 3923 votes. This means that the opposition is ahead in the counting of the total votes cast in all the by-elections. This is the first point to note. Why should it be noted?
The answer is simple. When we met to review the basis for establishing an alliance we all took note of the fact that the executive worked for an amendment of the constitution to remove the provision providing for a second round of voting so that the APRC could benefit from the division of the opposition. In short, where there is second round of voting all the opposition candidates may struggle to ensure that they prevent the candidate of the ruling party from getting 50% of the votes to pin the person to a second round. However, where there is only one round the combined votes of the opposition may be more than that of the ruling party but the total vote of each may be less than that of the ruling party. In that case the ruling party will win because of the division of the opposition. It is this realisation, which compelled the executives of the various opposition parties to form NADD so that President Jammeh will not win an election only because of the division of the opposition. The results of the Kombo East by-election have again confirmed the lessons we had drawn before forming NADD. All opposition parties should take note. Let us move to the next point.
Secondly, there is need to compare the performance of these three groups in this by election with their past performance. The first election took place in 1997. Only two parties contested the Kombo East seat. The APRC candidate had 5009 votes while the UDP candidate ended up with 3636 votes. NADD did not exist to have a candidate. In the 2002 Parliamentary election the UDP boycotted the polls. The APRC went unopposed. The first participation of NADD in an election in Kombo East was in the May 14th by election. Hence there is no basis of measuring whether it is gaining or losing popularity in Kombo East. The APRC however had 5009 votes in 1997 compared to 3665 in 2006. The UDP had 3636 votes in 1997 compared to 2814 in 2006. Needless to say, all these parties utilized maximum effort and resources to win the election. Each needs to consult their supporters and electorate to find out the reason for the outcome. This is the second point.
Thirdly, it is customary for a candidate to win the voters from his or her village of birth. Both the UDP and NADD candidates are from Pirang village. Interestingly enough the APRC candidate had more votes than the opposition combined in three of the four polling stations. The APRC also won in the fourth polling station in Pirang with ease. How is this to be explained? This is a major concern.
The NADD Executive met to review all the developments during the election.
First and foremost, to win an election is inconceivable without a candidate. We recalled that prominent personalities from Kombo East approached the NADD Executive to convey that Momodou Lamin Touray is their choice. They went to the UDP to convey the same position. They requested that the opposition should put up only one candidate. The NADD Executive Committee did not impose any conditionality on the representatives or the prospective candidate to stand as a NADD candidate. After some consultation Mr. Touray reported that he was going to stand on a NADD platform. The reason he gave was very simple. He felt that he would be in better position to explain the objectives of NADD and win support from the APRC side than if he were to stand on another platform. Moreover, he indicated that he had the support of the people of Kombo East. Suffice it to say that the candidature of Momodou Lamin Touray was declared before the candidature of any other contestant, the APRC candidate included. What went wrong? Were the representatives who brought Momodou Lamin Touray really influential in Kombo East? Were they acting on their individual capacity? Did they abandon him after the selection? NADD is owed an explanation.
As flag bearer of NADD I have received complaints from Pirang indicating that Mr. Momodou Lamin Touray lives on the side of Pirang which had been loyal to his deceased brother and the APRC; that even though some people came to NADD to speak on behalf of the people of Pirang, those on the side of the opposition had never been consulted. Consequently, they claim that they abstained from voting and the votes never went to NADD or the UDP. This explains why Momodou Lamin Touray did not get the type of support NADD envisaged from his village. The NADD activists were advised not to create euphoria for the sake of respect for Modou Lamin's brother. Consequently they did not penetrate Pirang as they did in other villages to know the state of mind of the people. This is one fundamental lesson learnt by NADD.
On the other hand, while the opposition side of the village felt left out the candidate assumed that the relatives on his side of the village will vote for him on the basis of family relation. Infact, in honour of his brother who was the MP before his death, he even made remarks as if he deserves to inherit his mantle. This appeal to family support however did not materialize. Instead the APRC candidate received most of the votes from that area of Pirang.
In short, the members of a tribe or family could be poor. They could want privileges. They could be separated by conflicts of interests and so on. These factors can hinder their loyalty based on family ties.
This again confirms all the more that democracy is not about tribes and family relationships. It is about people making choices of representation. The best form of choice to rely on is not family or tribal prejudices but informed choice.
Furthermore, it goes without saying that to win an election is inconceivable without a successful campaign. People in a constituency must indicate appreciation and support before a candidate can have hope of victory. A review of NADD's campaign in Kombo East revealed a high degree of popular participation and accommodation by the electorate in Kombo East. It could be stated without any fear of exaggeration that NADD was more visible than any other party during the campaign. The campaign team could mingle with all language groupings and win support from all age groups and gender. When the campaign started NADD did not have any committees or committee leaders in any village in Kombo East. However, after the first week of campaign the activists had created campaign circles in all the villages and were able to hold very successful community meetings everywhere to promote the NADD agenda. A carnival like atmosphere developed in many villages with young people joining in the singing to get the NADD message. They sang about the lack of purchase of groundnuts, the 22 billion dalasis debt which puts a debt burden of 22, 000 dalasis on the head of even a newly born baby; the unemployment among the young which compel them to cross deserts and oceans only to die as a result of capsized boats in their efforts to flee from poverty and degradation at home in search of greener pastures abroad. The song lamented over the chapped feet and callous hands of the women who toil form sun up to sun down only to have no money to purchase fish, rice, oil and other nutrients. It is therefore no surprise that while NADD did not have a host in Madina Sotokoi when it first arrived there to hold a meeting, in a week of active campaign it had more votes in that polling station than the APRC and UDP combined. Needless to say, because of NADD's zero tolerance for any form of sectionalism it came out second when the votes cast at the Jiboro Kuta polling station were counted. The station served as a focal point for the following villages: Omorto, Duwasu, Jenung Kunda, Gidda, Fufoo and Jiboro Koto. It is therefore no surprise that at Jiboro Kuta polling station NADD had more votes than the UDP and had 70 votes less than that of the APRC which held the seat before the by election. This exceptional performance is due to NADD's message, campaign style, discipline and promotion of the equality and unity of our people irrespective of language, tribe or other differences. Hence the Executive Committee could safely conclude that NADD's greatest strength was the method and content of its campaign. It made people to take ownership of the campaign. They felt that they were working for their own liberation rather than merely helping a person to become an elite. Hence within two weeks of campaign NADD earned more friends members, supporters and sympathizers in Kombo East. This should be sustained and developed.
The next point to note is that an election cannot be won without vigilance, especially during the resting period prior to voting. The NADD activists patrolled the ground and reported all suspicious activities for investigation and action. NADD's court action to bar people whose names do not appear on the list of voters from voting worked well to free the process from infiltrations. However, one problem that our activists could not yet tackle with success is the buying of votes. Despite their efforts, it has been reported to us, as our activists went back to thank the villagers, that many women and youths sold their cards. Apparently the APRC and UDP had their chairpersons on the ground for years. They had machineries to retain the cards of their supporters. NADD had no such machinery. It relied entirely on the promises and good will of the electorate. The buying of votes affected NADD more than any of the other parties. This is one reason why the euphoria, which surrounded NADD, was not translated into the type of votes envisaged by many who followed the NADD campaign.
Lastly, election cannot be won without adequate resources. NADD did not have the type of resources that the APRC had. They relied on Secretaries of State in their official vehicles, the National Assembly Members, the Commissioner and Area Council, the Chiefs and the village heads to conduct their campaign. They covered the logo of State Institutions and their number plates and so on just to give advantage to the APRC candidate. NADD had to confront such behaviour, which is contrary to the election laws of the country and the Memorandum of Understanding that was signed.
The NADD Executive has identified the involvement of public resources and servants in the campaign trail of APRC candidates as one of the electoral ills that need to be focused on and addressed with immediacy. The APRC Government must either accept State funding of political parties and the participation of public servants in giving open support to any party of their choice or adhere to the rules of not allowing any public resources to be used in favour of an APRC candidate. In the same vein, Commissioners and Chiefs should not come to their assistance.
The next point to note is that what opponents say to each other during election campaign can enhance or hinder one's chances of victory. During the campaign, NADD concentrated on showing what the APRC members of the National Assembly have been doing to give power to the Executive and reduce their ability to check abuse of authority and mismanagement of public resources. They indicated the economic, social and other ills of the country. They gave ample reasons why people should begin to protest through the ballot, against their suffering by casting their votes against the APRC.
A review of the APRC campaign methods indicates that they concentrated more on convening meetings to beg for forgiveness from influential personalities in Kombo East to create more unity in their camp. Another strategy they adopted in Faraba Banta where the APRC candidate comes from is to rely on the adverse remarks made against his personality by some UDP militants to interpret it as an insult to the villagers as a whole. It is therefore no surprise that in the village of Faraba Banta the APRC candidate had over 1100 votes while the combined opposition vote was less than one hundred votes.
This confirms that once the opposition in diverted from the issues that affect the lives of even APRC supporters it introduces new sentiments that can be relied on to build up a support base for the APRC. This is a fundamental point to note. Infact, such parochial issues are the root cause of post election conflict between parties, which is manifested by insults, burning of flags and fights. NADD must continue to have zero tolerance for any campaign style that can earn it the hatred of the common people it is trying to liberate.
We also took note of the fact that the NADD support base which was evident in Kafuta and which enabled it to have more votes than the APRC in one of the polling stations did not reflect in the other polling stations in Kafuta. It is important to observe that the best tactic to be adopted by the opposition forces where they put up candidates is to ask the voters to vote for the other if they fail to support one of them. However, once they castigate each other the likeliness is that voter apathy will be the ultimate consequences. The UDP leader should investigate reports that some of their activists sent money to Kafuta from the US to tell them not to vote for NADD after he was informed of NADD's popularity in the village. In the same vein, it is reported that photographs from the signing of the MOU presided over by President Obasanjo where the NADD flag bearer and President Jammeh embraced each other, was circulated by the UDP militants to carry the message that a vote for NADD is a vote for Jammeh. Furthermore, some are reported to have continued to spread that the NADD flag bearer promoted the present constitution. It is important for those who engaged in such propaganda to note that that they were promoting voter apathy among the opposition camp. What such people failed to realise is that I have prepared cassettes in Mandinka and Wollof, which have been circulating in the country for the past two months that show the fundamental differences between NADD and the APRC. Needless to say, the Memorandum of Understanding signed at the end of President Obasanjo's visit is considered as a major victory for the opposition. Hence instead of undermining NADD's authority the UDP activists were excluding it from the major achievement, which they helped to bring about as members of NADD. Those who utilized such campaign failed to realise that our arrest was a blessing to The Gambia. I did not realise what a major event this was until I went to the 5th session of the Pan Africa Parliament. South African Radio and TV turned their search light on me. The Members of Parliament also focused on the issue as if it happened yesterday.
Questions were raised in the European Parliament. U.S Congress women were involved.
Intellectuals took up the issue. It was amazing to me how much support was building up that we were not even aware of. Hence it did not help the UDP campaign to try to attack the personality of the NADD flag bearer on a matter, which came about because of a struggle to get President Jammeh to stop making derogatory remarks against the opposition or reap the consequence in equal measure. The most ingenious attempt to discredit the NADD flag bearer is the claim that he made people to accept the constitution of the second republic when even the UDP leader has been going to court to rely on the same constitutional provisions to defend the right for those detained to have access to lawyers or to be freed within 72 hours. In short, the attempt by some people in the UDP Camp to turn NADD into a rival has created voter apathy among some of their supporters who did not agree with the derogatory remarks.
It is therefore necessary for the opposition camp to realise that the more they try to damage each other through disinformation tactics the more they create voter apathy, the more their chances to bring about change dissipate.
Finally, it is important to note that even though Kombo East was an APRC seat before, in the by election the majority of the people who cast their votes rejected the APRC. The second point to note is that NADD had the opportunity to be consolidated on the ground with one thousand votes and well established structures in all the villages. All these developments were achieved in the absence of the flag bearer within a period of two weeks. This confirms that NADD is not a party of an individual personality but a united front that is collectively owned by the people and that is designed to create a political system that will be people owned and people driven.
There is no room for despair. The people are taking charge of their destiny. The fact that the APRC candidate had the full support of the PPP Member of Parliament prior to the 1994 coup but still had lesser votes than the combined opposition confirms that the people of Kombo East are listening to the voices of change. With determined effort to empower them they will be well equipped in determining who is in a better position to serve them with sincerity and self abnegation in the October 2006 elections.
To conclude, it will be unpardonable if I were to put chapter and verse together without dealing with the issue that is uppermost in the minds of many people, that is, the challenges of building a united opposition. The ironical situation that the opposition finds itself of being victors and vanquished at the same time has made many people to question whether any opposition party can go it alone to defeat the APRC in an election.
Of course, all parties should take note of the fact that the minds and loyalties of the people in Kombo East in particular and the country in general are not static. Their loyalties can change by secondary minutes, hours and years. This is why the APRC does not enjoy the supremacy it used to wield in the past in Kombo East. The fact that the UDP and NADD candidates have few votes in typical Mandinka speaking villages like Pirang and Faraba Banta gave a dead blow to any notion of relying on a tribal base to build political support in the Gambia. It is becoming increasingly clear that the people are more interested in issues that affect their lives than sentiments. With time one can empower them to make informed choices.
However, time is not on our side to continue to engage in political experiments. A united opposition is clearly the way forward. It is a united opposition, which enabled us to stop people whose names do not appear in the register of voters from voting. It is a united opposition which motivated the AU, the Commonwealth, US State Department, the EU, members of congress, and president Obasanjo to take a firm stand when a threat was posed to democracy and the stability of the country after the arrest of NADD executive members.
It is the combined opposition that rekindled hope in the hearts of the people in anticipation of easing their hardship once change is effected. It is this rekindled hope that no one has right to quench.
As flag bearer of NADD, I am duty bound to be among those who are to hold the torch of hope at the end of the tunnel for the people to see. I therefore wish to take this opportunity to assure the people that I have not applied to be a presidential candidate. I simply stood ready to perform any duty assigned to me by an opposition alliance that aims to bring about change. This is why I accepted to be a coordinator to pioneer the building of a United opposition.
In this regard, it was debated whether to adopt a one party led alliance or a united front under which all parties remain equal. We envisaged what happened in Kombo East that the history of each individual party in relation to the members of the ruling party in particular and members of other opposition parties may restrict its ability to draw support from such parties. We therefore agreed that the best tactic was to create an umbrella political entity that can attract support from members of all parties. Herein lies the creation of NADD.
It was further considered that the best way to arrive at unity is to give veto power to each party so that no party will have the tyranny of the majority imposed on it. In this regard NADD operated on the basis of the principle of unanimity in making decision. It became a unique political entity where the will of each party was equal to the other.
Just as the APRC enjoys no privileges in our inter-party committee because of being a ruling party, no party enjoyed a higher status in NADD. We in NADD agreed to work as equals to change the country.
Since we were equal in our status of political exclusion and marginalisation under APRC rule we created a mechanism to be equal in our efforts to liberate the country and then provide for a free and fair multiparty contest after a five year transition period which is designed to rectify many of the ills of the country, facilitate constitutional, legal, legislative, executive, judicial, administrative, political, economic, social and cultural reforms to ensure that the country becomes a model AU state, that is, tried and tested according to the yardstick of the African peer review mechanism.
I recognised how NADD's objectives are explained to and accepted by the electorate with ease. This is precisely why I accepted to be a tool for the realization of these noble objectives. I do not see myself as indispensable. Like the Cabrals of yesterday, I am simply determined to perform the duties that I am called upon to perform with sobriety and self abnegation without fear or favour in accordance with the dictates of out times and circumstances. I will not hesitate to surrender such a duty to any able hand that is more determined to carry it. This is no time to compete for position. It is time to see office of president as a position of service and not a position privilege. In this way all of us will wish anybody to be there who will be a willing tool of the sovereign people of the Gambia. If this is the view of all in opposition then unity based on the enlightened interest of the people is inevitable.
I hope Gambians will begin to make concrete proposals of the role they think I should play and the programmes they expect an alternative government to put in place to put an end to hunger for power and self perpetuating rule. Nigeria is giving us an example. The proposal made by NADD would have been another example. Could Gambians come up with a better proposal for us to consider. This is the urgent task to be addressed. I wish to take this opportunity to assure all those who have been writing in The Gambia-L Freedom Newspaper, Gambia Post and all other networks that I will never be found guilty of being an obstacle to progress.
I will crave for people's indulgence to speak about myself. I went to the USA to attend the July 4th symposium in 2003 after gaining a seat and becoming minority leader under a PDOIS ticket. the other opposition parties did not only boycott but some of their members campaigned for me to fail.
I was therefore not in the mood to form an alliance with such people when I came to the US. I had my own constituency programmes relating to civic education and community development. I prepared schedules of international speaking engagements as well as set targets to write pamphlets and books. It was not advantageous for me to accept to be coordinator. However, when duty calls I am not the type of person to turn my back and follow the easy way. In fact, since I accepted the role of coordinator, I must admit that my time energy resources and output became divided between constituency activities and national duty. It has therefore not been a privilege to me to be called a coordinator or presidential candidate. If the people ask me not to perform such duties they will not be depriving me of a privilege but would be easing a burden that I am glad to shoulder only because of my love of country and people. In short, I will never be a party to a struggle for power or privilege. In any of such struggles I will be among the first to turn my back. On the other hand, when duty calls I will be among the last to give up because of the trials and tribulations; the peril and the cost. The future of Gambia is in our hands. Each must play one's role.* *Time will tell and history will take down the evidence to pass its judgement. The future will deliver the verdict. History has always absolved and will always absolve those who stand for truth and justice.
Forward with the empowerment of the people!
The future belongs to the enlightened and organised.
Be enlightened! Be organised!
Leaders are mere pace setters.
It is the people who are the makers of history.
When they are resolved no force on earth can stop them.
Halifa Sallah
NADD's Flag bearer
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A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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jtdabrick
22 Posts |
Posted - 20 May 2006 : 19:09:23
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| Am not in to politics that much, but I think is time for the opposition party's in Gambia to get their ACT's together, and work toward a common goal that they all have, it seems like there is a LOTS OF BACK STABBING AMONGST THE OPPOSOTION PARTY'S IN GAMBIA. |
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kobo
United Kingdom
7765 Posts |
Posted - 21 May 2006 : 21:04:58
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| Any lesson learnt so far. These statements appear to be useful for both the Government, APRC and the opposition. Its a sober calling for peace, progress and prosperity. |
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