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 THE AFTERMATH OF THE 1981 POLITICAL CRISIS
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Momodou



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Posted - 11 Aug 2007 :  17:01:22  Show Profile Send Momodou a Private Message
FOCUS ON POLITICS
THE AFTERMATH OF THE 1981 POLITICAL CRISIS
State of Emergency Lifted as The Senegambia Confederation Wriggles

With Suwaibou Touray


We have been making strenuous effort to focus on politics in general and Gambian politics in particular in this column.
We are endeavouring to do this because it is seen to be a useful exercise that would help our young people to understand the past so as to shape the future and prepare for the challenges that lie ahead. We have received many useful feed backs, most of which strengthens our direction and resolve while some of it simply expresses appreciation for the work being done.
Let us now pick up from where we stopped. Continued from: http://www.gambia.dk/forums/topic.asp?TOPIC_ID=4141

There was an ensuing by-election for Sami constituency in early 1985, but the main opposition party , the National Convention Party (NCP), led by Mr. Sheriff Mustapha Dibba, issued a press release stating that it would not take part in Sami by-election nor any other elections in this country, as long as the State of Emergency exists in The Gambia. This must have had taken the ruling party by surprise.

The political organ of the ruling PPP "The Gambia Times" challenged the NCP position arguing that the NCP party had participated in the 1982 presidential and parliamentary elections and the 1983 Jarra East constituency by-elections, all under a State of Emergency and when the situation, according to them, was more tense. They then asked why can't the NCP take part in the Sami constituency By-election as well.

The NCP fired back with a zeal that is not reflective of the N C P and asserted that their participation in the 1982 General and Parliamentary elections and the 1983 Jarra East constituency By-election cannot be taken as a confirmation of the free and fairness of the way the elections were conducted.

According to the NCP release, in 1982, they could not have known that a free and fair election was possible under a State of Emergency. They, however, stated that they have learnt through their participation that an atmosphere where an individual can express his political opinion and associate with the political party of his or her choice, without fear of victimization, harassment and arbitrary arrest and detention, does not exist in The Gambia.

The NCP release indicated that this was why they have categorically stated in their statement of 26 November 1984, that "the bitter experience of the members and sympathizers of the NCP during the last three elections is sufficient reason for the party not to subject its members to further suffering and deprivation'.
The NCP statement continued that if 'The Gambia Times' newspaper of the PPP cared to know, they would certainly learn from the people of Darsilameh in the Jokadu constituency; that one Mrs. Kaddy Jimby Trawally, an expectant mother at the time, was beaten by a gang of PPP thugs in the presence of the PPP candidate for the constituency with the portfolio of a Minister of State, Mr. Momodou Sarr Manneh; that the woman ended in forced abortion as a consequence.
The NCP statement reported in the 'Torch' newspaper also mentioned two men who were arrested a day before the casting of votes at Jarra East constituency By-election of 1983, namely; Mr. Yaya Sora Darboe of Bureng and Mr. Almami Lambo Sanneh of Darsilameh, both prominent supporters of the NCP, were released only a day after the election, meaning they were only merely arrested to prevent them from casting their votes.

Reacting to 'The Gambia Times' comment that the NCP was in disarray, the statement alleged that it was instead the PPP leadership which was engulfed in what they described as 'an internecine personality conflict' with the protagonists gradually disappearing from their inner cavity.

The release further alleged that Momodou S.K Manneh did make unofficial and unmerited meetings in the Baddibus to commit what they called 'these illegal tortures'; that one Pa Sambujang Kanteh of Salikeni, Central Baddibu, an old man, suffered an attack from misguided PPP hooligans and died shortly after the beating.

The NCP in justifying why they would not take part in any election, whatsoever, under the Emergency Powers Act, stated that through the instigation of certain politicians, the District Chief, in the presence of a Senior Police Officer, Sub-Inspector Kawsu Touray of Kerewan, NBD, ordered the demolition of the NCP political bureau at Kerr Pateh which order was carried out in the name of Emergency Powers. The report finally indicated, among other things, that Messrs. Sidi Gaye, an NCP Chairman at Kerr Pateh Koreh and an NCP Chairman at Kerr Sheikh Taal, Ousman Jallow, were both tied with rope all over their bodies, thrown on board a truck and taken round to almost all villages in the Central Baddibu constituency; that at each village, people were assembled while the two victims of torture and brutality were displayed for public inspections.

The report finally stated that Dr. Lamin K. Saho and Dr. Momodou Sarr k. Manneh, both cabinet ministers, escorted and commanded the villagers to surrender their voters' cards if they did not wish to undergo similar humiliations as the two.
Shortly after the NCP boycott of the election, the President of the Republic, Sir Dawda Jawara permanently lifted the State of Emergency by proclamation. Many people breathed a sigh of relief when these extraordinary laws which had existed in The Gambia since August 1981 became non-existent.
In the opinion of the 'Torch', there would certainly be a pickup of political expression which shall provide an atmosphere for fuller and fairer discussions especially on the Senegambia Confederation and other matters of immediate importance in the country.

As far as the confederation was concerned, there were two fundamental differences, i.e, approach and speed. These differences surfaced through the utterances of two confederal parliamentarians, i.e.; Mr. M. Abdul Aziz Ndow, a Senegalese and Mr. M.C Cham, a Gambian. Mr. Ndow expressed his opinion that the kind of stagnation has set back the momentum of the confederation; that their wish was to see the confederation of Senegambia become a reality.
However,Mr. Cham, for his part, opined that "the speed of integration achieved is second to none, and that when you consider the differences in administration, colonial experiences as well as the system. You would appreciate the speed''. As far as he was concerned he was satisfied with the establishment of the Secretariat, the Parliament and the setting up of a joint defence and security forces, which he said were'no mean achievements' within a period of two years.

At that meeting, a common or joint Foreign Policy approach was also discussed, a Senegambia Passport and ID card, the establishment of six strategic defence zones, in Dakar, Banjul, Cassamance; Senegal Oriental and North. Also two riot brigades were to be set up in Banjul and the other in Dakar by 1985/86 and the harmonization of equipment. The confederal budget for 1984/85 stood at 3 billion CFA Francs.
Observers of the scene deduced that the differences exemplified by the two confederal parliamentarians, Ndow and Cham still remained a thorny point, even at the highest level.

On the eve of the third anniversary of the confederation, President Diouf expressed his eagerness to block out what the Torch called the basis of the rose. Mr. Diouf indicated that certain conditions have to be met in order that bilateral or any other agreement could be serious; that betraying their own rule and pessimism in The Gambia have made them to resort to an only necessary application of their laws and rushed parliamentary sanctions in Senegal. According to the Torch, Diouf's pipe dream was" Economic and Monetary Union ".
As for Mr. Jawara, he promised on the need to expand production, but according to the Torch he did not touch on the organization of this; that OMVG which brings in three Republics was a much likely fulfilment of the monetary union. According to some observers, Mr. Diouf did not find Mr. Jawara a willing listener even though he shared with him the sentiments of what they called pure Republicans.
It was a wonder for many that a President who threw his towel into a confederation was now dragging his feet to have a unified currency for that confederated state.
See next issue as we forge into the happenings of 1985.


Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 93/2007, 10 - 12 August 2007

A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone
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