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Momodou
Denmark
11832 Posts |
 Posted - 29 Jul 2007 : 01:38:40
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STATEMENT BY HALIFA SALLAH
ON THE 1994 COUP AND ITS COMMEMORATION ON 22 JULY 2007
THE FULL VERSION
Compatriots, the empowerment of the people so that they can claim full ownership of our country and become the architects of a destiny which assures them liberty, dignity and prosperity remains our primary and most immediate task.
Since the APRC regime is busy promoting a culture that romanticises a coup d’etat which led to the suspension of the sovereign right of the people to determine their manner of government, i have no option but to use the occasion to promote a culture that eschews tyranny and cherishes democracy which is predicated upon the assertion of the sovereignty of the people.
Compatriots, today is a public holiday. It is designed to commemorate the July 22nd coup detat. Arches, parks, hospitals, holidays and movements have been associated with the day to ensure that it remains indelible in the minds of the people.
On the other hand, few people even remember or know the significance of 24th April, 1970 or 16 January 1997. This is because the Gambia is yet to have a government which truly cherishes the sovereignty of the people.
Compatriots, Section 1 subsection (2) of the Constitution of the Republic states very clearly in unambiguous terms that
“The sovereignty of the Gambia resides in the people of the Gambia from whom all organs of government derive their authority and in whose name and for whose welfare and prosperity the powers of government are to be exercised in accordance with this constitution”
Compatriots, in a Republic sovereignty resides in the people. Power belongs to the people. Organs of government derive their authority from the people. Representatives are only mandated to exercise that authority to promote the liberty, prosperity and general welfare of the people.
Suffice it to say, the Gambia became a sovereign Republic on 24th April, 1970. This is the day that is worth commemorating. It is a day that should be relied on to take stock on an annual basis whether there is a balance, surplus or deficit in the liberty, prosperity and general welfare of the people or not. This day passes without any commemoration or remembrance.
This confirms that the culture of the sovereignty of the people is yet to take root in the Gambia. This is why democracy is yet to take firm root.
In short, sovereignty is about rights and powers and democracy is about decision making powers and choice. Both cannot be exercised without consciousness. One cannot exercise one’s right to choice if one is ignorant of one’s powers or options. Herein lies the importance of awareness.
Compatriots, in another 2 years President Jammeh would have been in office for 15 years, which is half the number of years ex -President Jawara was in office. By the time he completes his current term he would have been in office for 17 years, that is, two decades minus 3 years. Each of us should honestly ask ourselves what has been done during the past 13 years to enhance the liberty, dignity and prosperity of the people.
When the coup d’etat took place i was 41 years and President Jammeh has turned 29 and was heading towards his 30th birthday. Today he has celebrated his 42nd birthday. He is older than I was when they took over in 1994.
Two things were my fundamental concerns when I joined other colleagues to establish an opposition party 7 years before the July 1994 Coup detat, that is, the poverty of the people and the lack of awareness of their sovereign rights to determine their destiny.
When the coup occurred the constitution was suspended, parliament dissolved, the executive abrogated and an Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council established which became executive and legislative at the same time. All organs of government derived their authority from the Council. The sovereignty of the people was suspended.
Between July and December 1994 Decrees after Decrees were promulgated to legitimise arbitrary detention and abolish all political activities, parties and manifests of political thought.
A determined effort had to be made by Gambians to get the AFPRC to come up with a transitional programme.
On 16th January 1997 the Second Republic came into being as the President was sworn in to assume office. Herein lies the importance of 16th January.
It is therefore an irony that instead of commemorating the birth of the first and second republic which affirm the sovereignty of the people we are commemorating a day when the sovereignty of the people was suspended and a quasi monarchical rule established which legitimised arbitrary rule and impunity.
13 years after the coup d’etat the country is still classified among the least developed countries and is now labelled as a Highly Indebted Poor Country. The fact that a coup d’etat is being commemorated confirms that there is gross deficit in awareness of what constitutes a sovereign republic and people.
A CATALOGUE OF FAILED PROMISES
According to Vision 2020 the APRC government aims
“To transform The Gambia into a financial centre, a tourist paradise, a trading, export oriented agricultural and manufacturing nation, thriving on free market policies and vibrant private sector, sustained by a well-educated, trained, skilled, healthy, self reliant and enterprising population, and guaranteeing a well-balanced eco-system and a decent standard of living for one and all, under a system of government based on the consent of the citizenry.”
On Tourism
Government statistics reveal that the estimated value of travel income stands at 1.5 billion in 2005 and 1.8 billion in 2006.
For 15 years government has not been able to articulate policies that create a linkage between the tourism sector and the other productive sectors of the Gambian economy. Tourism can only enhance the eradication of poverty through the consumption pattern of the tourists. If over one hundred thousand tourists consume beverages, fish, meat, poultry and vegetables and utilise soap, towels etc that are locally produced they would help to boost local light scale industries and small scale agricultural production. This is not case at the moment. In fact, what the APRC is doing is to build up its security machinery in the name of protecting tourists from bumsters or beggars but had not provided adequate alternative schemes for the young people to live productive and contributive lives.
In his address to the Nation the president praised the girls for not venturing to scale the high seas to go to Europe. He lamented over the dangers faced by the young people. It is important for the President to bear in mind that his government has acknowledged that “tourism and private remittances by Gambians living and working abroad continue to be a major source of foreign exchange for the Gambian economy.” Remittances are estimated at 1.7 billion in 2005 and 1.8 billion in 2006.
This is more than the estimated value of foreign Direct Investment. Many homes in the Gambia are maintained by such remittances. The semblance of prosperity which exists in some quarters is not due to earnings from wages or salaries provided by government. There is no doubt that the salary of a qualified teachers or nurse which is approximately 1500 dalasis a month cannot enable a person to buy cement at 300 dalasis per bag or rice at D600 per bag, meat at D85 per kilo and then live a middle income life style.
The movement of Gambians to Europe is out of desperation and more constructive approaches are needed to handle the crisis of youth employment. Young girls are facing the same crisis which is leading to the rampant sex trade. They are being arrested and detained like never before. Hence both the boys and girls are in the same boat.
On Agriculture
The Gambia Cooperative Union used to purchase and sell 80% of the groundnuts processed by GMPB
By 1993 the Cooperative Union went into the red by 20 million dalasis. The GPMB was privatised. When the APRC took over the purchasing of groundnuts was carried by the GGC/Alimenta In 1999 a dispute arose which led to international arbitration and a settlement amounting to 11.4 million dollars. As for the Cooperative Union, a press release was issued in 1998 that it had a liability of 209.5 million dalasis and assets of 25.9 million dalasis, thus leaving it with a deficit of approximately 183 million dalasis. It was therefore liquidated. Since then the groundnut sector has depended largely on credit buying and farmers continued to experience growing hardship as prices of essential commodities increase and receipts for sale of groundnuts are delayed. As for the cotton sector farmers are still cling to the arms of hope
Today, the price of fertiliser is 650 dalasis per bag. One needs about five bags to farm 1 hectare of land. How many farmers can produce 3200 dalasis to purchase fertiliser?
The Solutions
In 1995 it was on record that the Assets Management and Recovery Corporation claimed to have recovered 50 million dalasis in cash and 100 million dalasis in assets. The sum continues to increase year after year. However, the budget speech of the Secretary of State for Finance in 2006 did not indicate the sum total of cash and assets recovered.
Notwithstanding , we have recommended over and over again that the cash and assets of this corporation should be transformed into the cash and assets of an agricultural development bank to promote crop financing and agricultural production but to no avail.
Despite numerous promises of mechanisation the interests of the managers of the farming implements as well as share cost have militated against the achievement of goals.
Hence, today Gambia is still not self-reliant in food production.
Foreign Assistance
There is claim by the president that some foreign governments are imposing conditionalities on them instead of giving aid. However, the same government tells us that the European Union financed the study and design for the reconstruction of the Barra-Amdalai Road, Trans Gambia Highway, the Basse-Sabi Road, Soma-Basse Highway and the resurfacing of the Mandinaba-Seleti Road. There is absolutely no doubt that The Gambia has received substantial assistance and loans. The Rural Electrification Project of course costs 19 million dollars and is mainly funded by the African Development Fund, the Islamic Development Bank, the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa. Libya financed the hospital in Bwiam to the tune of 30 million dalasis. The Kombo Coastal Road was financed by Kuwait and the Arab bank to the tune of 112 million dalasis Taiwan has also provided billions of dalasis, which led to the building of the Kerewan Road and Bridge.
It is estimated that the country’s debt burden stands at 22,000 million dalasis requiring debt repayment and servicing amounting to 1500 million dalasis annually. This is why Gambia is labeled as a heavily indebted poor country. We are indeed repaying the loans and interests. For example, the amount involved in loan repayment to Taiwan in 2005, 2006 and 2007 are 71 million dalasis, 63 million dalasis and 66 million dalasis respectively. The amounts involved in interest payments are 41 million dalasis, 55 million dalasis and 65 millions dalasis respectively.
The Objectives of Loans and Grants
Development projects under the APRC depend mainly on loans and grants to be financed. This comes along with the danger of indebtedness if the productive base of the economy fails to grow in a balanced and proportionate manner. In short, if the productive base does not grow the tax base will be narrow and dividends will not increase to enable government to boost up revenue to finance the repayment of loans. In the absence of expanding revenue base, government must engage in schemes such as the privatisation of public enterprises, retrenching workers, imposition of cost recovery programmes for services, such as the Bamako initiative in Health and the removal of any form of subsidy to promote agricultural production. That is why there is a power purchase agreement between Global Electrical Group (GEC) and NAWEC for the management of the Brikama Power Station. This is why the cost of electricity increased by 30%. Such cost recovery schemes will increase. The divestiture programme of government is now focused on GPTC, GIA and MSA. Sector studies are also being done on GAMTEL – GAMCEL and NAWEC.
Hence after 13 years the APRC regime has not been able to manage public enterprises to expand their productive base. Such public enterprises could have paid dividends on an annual basis which could be reinvested to sustain and develop them or promote the development of public services in a sustainable, balanced and proportionate manner. Instead public enterprises are becoming a liability because of poor directives on how to manage their resources in between financial years. In short, in 2005, two hundred million dalasis had to be withdrawn from government coffers to service the external loans of public enterprises but government could only recover 56 million from such enterprises.
Hence it is clear that the public sector has not registered any impressive growth that could generate significant employment in the past 13 years. Instead many enterprises such as the GPTC experienced economic contraction and are heading towards privatisation.
On the other hand, the private sector has not been faring better. High interest rates on burrowing have militated against local private sector investment. There is evidence that money is available in the country, for example the total purchases and sales of foreign currencies in the Inter Bank market totaled D23.9 billion dalasis. Banks have been benefiting more from investing in treasury bills than giving credit to the private sector.
Deepening Crisis
We have repeatedly drawn the attention of the government to the lack of submission of Audit reports on the financial statement of central government and public enterprises. Year in year out the national assembly would pass Appropriation Bills( Budgets) which contain miscellaneous allocations which are designed to repay confirmed outstanding debts. No enquiry was done on how those debts were incurred. It is when the pressure intensified that it was revealed that some officials do take commodities from enterprises without having the funds to purchase them. Consequently, such enterprises turn to government for payments. Such debts according to SoS Finance amounted to 500 million dalasis and would have to feature in subsequent budgets in bits until they are cleared.
Central government statement of accounts and that of public enterprises are required by law to be subjected to audit in accordance with international auditing standards and guidelines to ensure all assets, liabilities, surpluses and deficits are recorded, and that statements reflect what obtains in books and records of accounts. In this way one can determine whether financial transactions are in line with the dictates of financial rules and regulations. Auditors enhance financial discipline by expression of opinions after subjecting statements of accounts and financial practices to compliance reviews, economy and efficiency appraisals as well as effectiveness reviews. It was in 1998 that the first auditor general under the second Republic expressed her opinion that financial statements were not presented to her for auditing and that she could not form an opinion on the accounts of government from 1991 to 1997.
Since then another Audit report did not emerge until 2005 when the Auditor General submitted audited financial statements for the period 30th June 1992 – 31 December 1999. He indicated that the accounts for the years 1991 – 92 to 1996 – 97 and 1998 to 1999 were not submitted for audit until May and September 2001 respectively. He complained of the lack of institutional memory, missing documents, staff changes that militated against the preparation of good quality financial statements. Commissions of enquiry were blamed for missing documents and 800 million dalasis could not be properly accounted for and the open balance for each financial year is rendered inaccurate until the Department of Treasury and the Department of State for Finance have the 2006 statement audited before the end of 2007,It is then and only then that all the unaccounted sums could be substantiated to facilitate any write off that the government may wish to do to come up with a legitimate opening balance for its accounts.
It is therefore no surprise that the Poverty Reduction Growth Facility programme was suspended by the IMF in 2003 and thus undermined the availability of resources to implement the poverty reduction strategy paper. This also led to the suspension of the 115 million dollars fund pledged by donors during the 2002 Geneva Round. Less than 40 % of the programmes undertaken under the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper were implemented.
It is in 2006 that the government had started to implement a managed programme so that it can reach heavily indebted poor countries’ completion point to have the possibility of debt relief.
This is what the president should tell the people as they commemorate the 13th year of the coup; that we are indebted to our forehead and cannot be classified as the economic superpower of Africa.
Foreign Policy
In his interview and statement regarding the anniversary the president lamented over the marginalisation of African leaders, dismissed the AU Summit in Accra and NEPAD and questioned the viability of the Africa Peer Review Mechanism. It is therefore necessary to throw light on all these issues.
The African Union Summit Was A Success
The African Union Summit was a success. The objective of the summit was to engage in a grand debate on the feasibility of establishing an African Union Government and the founding of United States of Africa. This was a debate. A head of state could even give reasons why a union government and a United States of Africa are unachievable. The Gambia had the study prepared in May 2006 entitled, Study on an African Union Government: Toward The United States of Africa. It was the duty of the APRC Government to review the document, formulate a position and present it in Ghana. A government has no moral authority to criticise the proposal of others unless it presents alternative proposals that it considers to be more viable.
If the Gambia government does not have a position paper it should set up a multi disciplinary force to formulate one before the next AU Summit; otherwise it will be left behind. African unity is an idea whose time has come. We must unite or perish individually. This was true yesterday but it is more so today than ever before. Even President Jammeh acknowledged that African leaders are not given the importance they deserve. Nkrumah predicted this 50 years ago.
He has stated in no uncertain terms that no African micro state has a future outside of a United States of Africa. In his book entitled Rhodesia File, he documented his speech at the opening of the OAU Summit held in Accra on 21 October 1965. The relevance of quoting the lessons he drew at the summit is because of the fact that it was the first summit attended by the head of state of a newly independent Gambia. I was only 12 years old and president Jammeh was only few months old when Kwame was drawing the attention of the leaders of the continent to the impossibility of total emancipation of the continent without Unity. The relevant portions of Kwame’s speech read:
Let me take this opportunity to welcome into our midst Brother Dawda Jawara, Prime Minister of the Gambia, who takes his seat among us for the first time. Gambia’s accession to independence is of great significance to us because her independence closes the chapter of British and French colonialism in this part of our continent. Among us here also in the capacity of observers are the representatives of our courageous freedom fighters in the remaining territories of Africa still under the yoke of colonial rule……………………………
As long as political boundaries persist in Africa, boundaries which we have inherited at independence and were drawn arbitrarily, with no heed to the ethnic, economic, and social realities of Africa, so long shall we be plagued by the political refugee problem. The political refugee problem is a social and political problem, and its only solution lies in an all-African Union Government within which our present boundaries will become links instead of barriers.
In the national Constitution of Ghana, we have provision for the full or partial surrender of our sovereignty to an all-African Union. No member state should or can be expected to surrender its sovereignty for any lesser cause.
We can delay no longer in taking the economic destiny of Africa into our own hands. Since the founding of the Organisation of African Unity at Addis Ababa, world trade has moved further and faster into the channels prepared by neo-colonialism. The increased productivity of our wealthy continent has benefited not us, but the industrial nations. By depressing the prices of our raw materials and metals, they have stunted our economic progress. By raising the prices of their manufactured goods they have drained away any surpluses we might have acquired. The deliberate policy of neo-colonialism emerges, not only to rob us of our wealth, but to prevent us from acquiring capital for our own development.
An African Common Market of three hundred million producers and consumers should have a productivity, a purchasing and bargaining power equal to any of those trading and currency blocs which now rule the commerce of the world.
Who is there to oppose or frustrate us, if we only have the courage to form an all-African Union Government? Can the industrialised nations do without our copper, our uranium, our iron ore, our bauxite, our coffee, cocoa, cotton, groundnuts, palm oil — or will they come running to us, as we have been running to them for trade on equitable terms? It is courage that we lack, not wealth.
It is true that we have made half-hearted attempts at economic co-operation, but without the drive and authority which can only come from political action. In this connection, let me quote the words of Brother Nyerere of Tanzania:
‘For Africa, the lesson of our East African experience is that although economic co-operation can go a long way without political integration, there comes a point when movement must be either forward or backward — forward into, political decision or backward into reduced economic co-operati0n.’
The OAU must face such a choice now — we can either move forward to progress through an effective African Union or step backward into stagnation, instability and confusion — an easy prey for foreign intervention, interferences and subversion.
We have a market which can absorb the produce of modern giant enterprises. We have already through the efforts of the United Nations established an African Development Bank. There are recommendations adopted by the Addis Ababa summit conference as well as by the ECA concerning the establishment of a common monetary zone. What is left now is to create a Union Central Bank to back our individual currencies. The decision to create a Central Bank for Africa is a political one. Why is it that we are finding it difficult to take this decision in spite of so many resolutions, declarations and attempts? If Africa had one political front, a central machinery, such a decision would not be difficult to take and achieve.
What people like Nkrumah realised when independent African states were taking their first faltering steps is what has been realised in different degrees by the present African leaders. There is no single African leader who is not being subjected to some form of conditionality.
The President alluded that some heads of state want to be emperors. The institutions of the African Union comprise an Assembly of Heads of State, a Pan African Parliament and an African Court of Justice among others. The trend is towards a state structure that promotes the separation of powers.
My reading of the working document does not give any indication that a Union Government will be under the control of an executive president. The recommendation regarding the presidency in the study should have generated an intense debate. The paragraph reads:
“The Assembly of the Union “composed of Heads of State and Government or their duly accredited representatives” should retain its present structure. Therefore, it should continue to exercise its current functions as the highest decision making organ. Under the Union Government, the main responsibility of the Assembly would be to review the state of the Union in the strategic areas of focus. Special sessions may be needed to discuss issues arising from emergency situations.”
“In addition, in view of the imposing demand on the Union Government, there may be need to consider allowing a longer tenure (about 3 years for example) for the President of the Assembly. The functions of the President of the Assembly will be to promote and facilitate the establishment and consolidation of the Union Government, and to coordinate the work of the Assembly with the Commission. The President of the Assembly would also be the unique spokesperson of the Union at world or other special summits. In that regard, it would be desirable that the function of President be on a full time basis and could be assigned to a Former Head of State.” The powers of an Emperor are clearly not envisaged. A United Africa can only be in the form of a Federation which gives some powers to the Union Government while reserving certain powers to National Governments. This is why a task force was established to look into such matters The SOS for Foreign Affairs should call a press conference and release the communiqué issued at the end of the summit. This communiqué will confirm my conclusions on the summit. If the President or the SoS for Foreign Affairs maintain that the Summit was a failure they should then accept my open invitation to a debate involving themselves or their representatives and any other professor from the University of the Gambia who share their view. The debate should be covered by GRTS.
On NEPAD
NEPAD cannot be written off as some heads of state are trying to do. The institutions implementing and governing it needs to be transformed and democratised so that all can claim ownership. The problem with many African Governments is that they monopolise information and do not share it with the people. It is therefore necessary to throw light on NEPAD. The New Partnership for Africa’s Development deals with issues such as the historical impoverishment of the continent, the realities and impact of globalisation, the political will of African leaders, the strategy for achieving sustainable development, the issue of peace, security, democracy, political governance, corporate governance, sub regional and regional approaches to development, issues pertaining to infrastructure, information and communication technology, energy transport, water and sanitation, poverty reduction, education, the brain, drain, health, agriculture, environmental initiative, science and technology platforms, mobilising resources, debt relief, ODA reform, private capital flows, market access initiative, diversification of production, mining, tourism services, non tariff barriers and a new global partnership. The document deals with general concepts and contains valuable ideals. It can be utilised for brain storming on Africa’s problems.
The heads of state created a secretariat which is independent of the AU commission and a heads of state implementation committee was created to supervise implementation. This of course can cause friction. This governance structure re requires changes. Any mature government could have come up with proposals that are acceptable to all. That is how a government earn integrity in international relations. What they are discovering is that NEPAD contains pledges. What is significant is how to transform the pledges into programmes. At the moment the NEPAD Secretariat is busy developing short term action plans which are receiving funding from the World Bank, The African Development bank and other financial institutions. Many projects are already in the pipeline such as the plans to lay fibre optic submarine cables on the east coast and the e school projects covering about 23 countries which had accepted to be part of the Peer Review Mechanism. The World Bank accepted to spend 570 million dollars to support NEPAD’s short term action plans. The African Development Bank undertakes to spend 580 million dollars It has also mobilised 1.6 billion dollars through co-financing arrangement. In short The GAMBIA should have a focal point for NEPAD so that we can follow all developments and make proposals on how to make NEPAD relevant and beneficial to the country. In my view the scope of NEPAD is not comprehensive enough requiresIf it is to help Africa to achieve its goals it must undertake a comprehensive study of the development needs of all African countries and identify areas of complimentality which require continental programmes and projects to facilitate development. This is why I propose the formulation of a comprehensive economic and social development programme for Africa based on a comprehensive inventory of the realities of each country. The NEPAD Secretariat should therefore become a specialised technical committee of the AU responsible for programmes and projects that could promote African unity. There is no need to write it off. What is needed is its restructuring and reorientation so that it will be under the Assembly and commission rather than a special group of heads of state.
On The African Peer Review Mechanism
President Jammeh indicated in his interview that anybody who asks Bachir of Sudan and Deby of Chad to subject each other to review is asking for trouble. He added that despite a promise of billion dollars in aid if Africa accepts to implement the peer review mechanism, nothing is forthcoming. He lamented that instead of giving his government assistance the donors would criticise him for keeping coup makers behind bars while they keep innocent migrants in jail for long periods without trial. One may now ask: What is the African peer review mechanism? The mechanism is a collective self monitoring mechanism which is acceded to voluntarily by member states.
First and foremost, a member state must agree to conform to the values, codes and standards established in the declaration on democracy, political, economic and corporate governance. There is absolutely no doubt that there can be no unity unless we share common values and notions regarding what constitutes standards of best practice in governance. The review is not done by heads of state. It goes through five stages.
Stage one involves a study of available information from National, Sub regional, regional and international institutions regarding the political, economic, corporate governance and development environment in the country subjected to review.
Stage two involves the visit by a multi disciplinary review team which is allowed to conduct the widest possible range of consultation with the government, officials, political parties, parliamentarians, representatives of civil society organisations (including the media, academia trade unions, business and professional bodies).
The third stage is the preparation of a report by the team which is forwarded to a government for reflection.
The forth stage is to forward the report to the participating heads of state for review
The fifth stage is to table the report at the Pan African Parliament, the African commission on Human and People Rights, the Peace and Security Council and the Economic, Social and Cultural council. This constitutes the end of the review process.
It is envisaged that through the review exercise a government can see its strengths and weaknesses and rectify its errors. It is therefore difficult to comprehend President Jammeh objections to the Africa Peer Review Mechanism when Rwanda, Kenya Ghana had all gone through the process. Their reports were tabled and discussed at the Pan African Parliament in 2006.Furthemore the following countries have accepted to be part of the scheme: Algeria, Angola, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Republic of Congo, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Mali, Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa and Uganda. Why wouldn’t Sudan, Chad or Gambia take part. Gambia will soon be left behind if the APRC government fails to join the mechanism?
A New Approach to Foreign Policy
Finally, it my conviction that African governments in particular and governments of developing countries in general should go though a paradigm shift in their relations with developed countries. The era of the cold war when some governments in developed countries believed that they could sustain their sources of raw materials and markets by maintaining corrupt puppet regimes which keep those countries underdeveloped, has passed. Now it is clear that poor countries cannot sustain the payment of debts or the purchase of manufactured goods. The repositioning of China and India has reduced the role of ideology in economic relations. Even North Korea is repositioning itself. Hence if leaders of developing countries like Chavez are to have impact in shaping a new international economic and political order they must be able to lead their countries to build the highest standards of democratic participation of the people and formulate the best policies and initiatives to eradicate poverty. The developing countries can easily win the hearts and minds of the people in developed countries who can help to stage a new world by electing the right type of leaders. This however is inconceivable without being a model in promoting the liberty and prosperity in their countries.. This is how a leader in a developing country can acquire the moral authority to demand for a new international economic and political order. I, as minority leader and member of the Pan African Parliament was arrested and detained in a maximum security wing. I was not a Coup plotter. Where in the Western World with the worst violation of human rights can a leader of a parliamentary opposition be detained in prison for even saying the most unpalatable of statements? Even the Burmese authorities put their political opponents under house arrest. Where is Councillor Jatta? The government should learn to accept criticism. This is the only way to rectify mistakes and build integrity.
Conclusion
Compatriots all the signs are there to confirm that the APRC government has reached the pinnacle of what it can do for The Gambia. It can only build a heavily indebted poor country characterised by serious deficits in liberty and democracy. There are mature people in the country who are encouraging the people to engage in a mature discourse regarding a way forward for the country. However these views are quickly swept under the carpet because of political expediency. People give more focus on militaristic discourse that democratic discourse. If we are to move forward we must focus on issues and forgo personalities. We must empower ourselves and take charge of our country and destiny We need to engage in a grand debate regarding the future of the country and focus only on positive ideas that can give us clarity and move us forward. I am ready to engage all positive compatriots who are ready to move forward in this direction.
Some people claim that the opposition has failed and should call it quits. In my view there are two types of failures in politics, that is, system failure and personal failure. A leader who loses the confidence of the people because of corruption and malpractice needs to disappear from public view. However a leader who earns the confidence of the people because of his/her honesty and humility should take centre stage to inspire the Nation.
To say that the opposition has failed to provide the necessary alternative is half the truth. The whole truth is that the system itself has failed. Let us look at the statistics of the last presidential election. Out of 670,336 voters only 264,404 voters voted for president Jammeh. 405,932, registered voters did not vote for him.
On the other hand 542,055 voters out of 610,336 registered voters did not vote for the opposition. The ruling party has failed. The opposition has failed. Gambian democracy has failed.
The important task now is for the people to be enlightened to take charge of their destiny. President Jammeh on one hand and the opposition or the other hand can give Gambia a new start. Throughout the sub region with the exception of Guinea and Gambia all heads of state are to be in office for two terms. This is the situation in Senegal, Mali, Sierra Leone Ghana, Nigeria, and Guinea Bissau. President Jammeh can say that 17 years at the helm is enough, spend the rest of his term to expand the democratic space and establish a two term system and leave Gambians to decide who should guide their destiny in 2011.
The opposition leaders may also facilitate change by eliminating the monarchical tradition of maintaining one person as a presidential candidate for eternity. This will not encourage those with greater potential to head parties to victory .To lead is a duty and not a right. In between elections every potential leader should be encouraged to perform to their optimum. When the time comes to select a candidate person of integrity who the people want should be selected.
If all of us subscribe to the view that leadership should not be an ambition but a duty which one should always be ready to perform whenever duty calls we shall have no power hungry leaders.
To conclude I want to reassure the people what I have always promised that I will never preside over a cabinet that will prolong the servitude and poverty of the people; that I will never take part in any cabinet which preside over the oppression and poverty of the people; that I will never participate in bringing into office any person who will preside over the subjugation and impoverishment of the people. This is the dictate of justice and conscience and it is irrevocable.
The end
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 86/2007, 25-26 July, 2007
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A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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