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Momodou
Denmark
11645 Posts |
 Posted - 19 Apr 2007 : 01:10:48
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FOCUS ON POLITICS -
THE 1977 ELECTION DUST, SETTLED
With Suwaibou Touray
Continued from: http://www.gambia.dk/forums/topic.asp?TOPIC_ID=3523
We have been focusing on the history of The Gambia from pre-independence to post-independence era. Earlier on, we have shed light on the events leading to the 1977 General Elections. Let us start from where we have stopped.
As the dust was settling down and the opposition was trying to make sense of all what was happening, with the cries for foul play and intimidation of opponents up to the point of using pistols, by cabinet ministers in remote villages. The PPP was painting everything rosy. For example, the Information and Broadcasting Services booklet described the period as thus; The Gambian politics is respected by its tranquil nature, especially at times of general respect for law and order, and the people’s abiding inclination to remain peaceful. It opined that this was what had brought about years of political stability and progress which it said the president had himself attributed to. The information booklet whose author was not mentioned went on to assert that “The climate of political tolerance” had in turn, contributed tremendously to the development of Gambian democracy. It further concluded that all political parties campaigned vigorously and freely in the elections. The Progressive Newspaper reporter opined that the opposition filed candidates in all the 35 constituencies just for the sake of it.
The May 1977 general elections were held as scheduled. The ruling People’s Progressive Party filed candidates in all the 35 constituencies. The National Convention Party filed 31 candidates. The National Liberation Party coalition filed 5 candidates. The PPP won 27 seats, the NCP 5 seats and the U.P/NLP came out with 2 seats clearly paving way to Jawara’s PPP to form a government.
The state of the parties before and after the elections was as follows;
---------- 1962 1966 1972 1977
PPP 22 24 26 27
UP 9 8 3 2
NCP - - - 5
Mark you by 1977, the seats in parliament were increased from 32 to 35 seats. There were only two independent candidates in the 1977 general elections, Mr. Omar Mbake and Mr. Lamin Waa Juwara, each of whom did not link themselves to any of the contending presidential candidates. They also did not win their seats although I have noted from records that Mr. Waa Juwara had polled almost neck and neck with the PPP candidate Mr. Saikou Sabally, who had won. It was also observed that even though Mr. Juwara had not linked himself with Sir Dawda at the time, his relation as claimed by him as nephew was said to have helped him greatly. It was also noted that when the PPP campaigners on the ground in Sabach Sanjal constituency noticed that public opinion was on the side of Mr. Juwara, they had to call the president himself to intervene which he did, which helped Mr. Sabally to win. It was equally noticed that Mr. Juwara’s win would have been a forgone conclusion if Mr. Pap Cheyassin Secka and Mr. S.M Sabally under the NCP had not stood there at the time. Sir Dawda now Alhagie Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara was sworn in as president. Mr. Sheriff M. Dibba then became leader of the opposition in the 1977 House of Representatives.
History has also recorded that Mr. Kukoi Samba Sanyang also stood as a candidate in the 1977 general election for Eastern Foni under the banner of the NCP.
The NCP won Bakau with Bakary B. Camara, a very dynamic character, Serrekunda West with Mr. Gibou Jagne, who left the U.P, Central Badibu with Mr. S.M Dibba albeit with a lower margin, Lower Badibu with Mr. Foday Makalo and Illiasa with Mr. Fodeba B. Jammeh.
Two bye-elections ensued all of which were won by the PPP increasing their majority from 27 to 30 seats in parliament. They were Mr. J.R Forster of Banjul Central and Mr. Momodou M. Taal of Banjul South. As far as the Local Government was concerned, the President reserved the power to dissolve them when and how he wished. The PPP simply left the laws governing councils as the colonialists coined it. This was why Sir Dawda dissolved the Banjul City Council who were directly elected by the people and appointed an interim committee to run the affairs of the capital. He did this on the pretext that the previous council had proved unequal to the task in 1970. Banjulians complained and made protestations to no avail.
According to the Government owned Information and Broadcasting Booklet, it was not until mid 1979 that elections for Councils were allowed so that Banjul City Council had elected representatives as well as a mayor, Mr. Salieu Foon.
The Kanifing Urban District Council was then attached to Brikama Area Council, but by 1979, it has been made completely independent of Brikama Area Council.
Earlier on in the column, I have mentioned the fear that Gambia may or may not be one party state after the 1977 elections. Many questions were raised to that end but Sir Dawda eventually clarified his government’s policy on it; saying things would be left as they were, meaning a multi-party state. But went on to add that, “Unless the electorate themselves decide the question, meaning refusing to vote for a single opposition to the house of parliament. According to the information booklet on the 15 years of independence, the electorate despite giving increasingly overwhelming majorities in the House of Representatives to the ruling PPP, it has shown a reluctance to endorse a one party house.
Economically, the PPP felt comfortable at least as far as their propaganda was concerned. They had struggled a lot to make the people believe that The Gambia was a country that was not given a chance to survive economically as an independent nation. The National Media which was reserved for the PPP and its government, alone continued to show what they considered as impressive. They used to cite investments in the fields of transport (GPTC) and communications, in Agriculture and Social Services. The first ten years was cited as been years of growth and consolidation when according to the Information Booklet, the goal of economic viability loomed larger on the horizon but was accomplished successfully and the decision to become independent has proved to be the correct thing to have been done in 1965.
The economy by 1977 was not in good shape if we are to look at it from an objective point of view. Groundnut was the mainstay of The Gambian economy since pre-independence, but the production of groundnut in 1977 was only 82,221 tons and only about 22,000 tonnes was actually bought from the farmers. If one compared this figure with that of say 1964/65, production was at 90,953 tons and more than 33,000 tons was actually bought from farmers. It was even highest in 1973/74 when the farmers produced 136,000 tons.
Secondly if one observe and compare the Imports, Exports and the balance of visible Trade, one would come to notice that Gambia was importing more from the outside than it was exporting. For example, 1964/65, imports amounted to D25,182 but exports stood at D23,747. So the deficit or balance of visible trade was only D1,436. If that is compared to 1977/78, when imports stood at D209,094 and total exports stood at D80,329, the deficit rose to the astronomical sum of over D127,800 dalasis. Mark you this was at a time when the dalasi was linked to the British pound, so it was very strong.
So as you can see, for both groundnut production and exports, Gambia was experiencing short falls. This had become the trend since then.
Despite the economic reality, Government was bent on proving to the people that it could solve the rising demand of education in the country. Jawara had also promised in his campaign that he was going to eradicate unemployment when he wins the 1977 elections. “There will not be a single boy and girl who will be without something” he was heard saying. Many began to see the fruits of education, Western education for that matter. The fear of one’s child being transformed or converted to Christianity was being eroded and the need for education rising.
So what did it do? It encouraged a new philosophy called “Tesito,” meaning to tighten our belts, which literally means to struggle. So people in many rural villages began to struggle to build Makeshift structures and called them schools. But Government does not have the required trained or even untrained teachers to cope with the problem.
This was also done with a new regulation making education free but non-compulsory. So many children flocked to school but learning materials and even furniture were not sufficient, thereby forcing parents to make their furniture and buy books for their children. This was the first time people see children carrying stools and chairs to schools. The economy was showing signs of collapse forcing the government to take more loans making the little country more and more indebted.
Since investments in the industrial sector were almost non existent, the army of the unemployed was also swelling mainly by school leavers and dropouts.
Continued: http://www.gambia.dk/forums/topic.asp?TOPIC_ID=3546
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 43/2007, 16 - 17 April, 2007
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A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
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