 |
|
| Author |
 Topic  |
|
Dalton1
3485 Posts |
 Posted - 28 Mar 2007 : 13:10:36
|
quote:
Originally posted by SANTANFARA
let river gambia flow. the whirl wind shall come to our direction one day.
Thanks mawdo. have a good day! |
"There is no god but Allah (SWT); and Muhammad (SAW)is His last messenger." shahadah. Fear & Worship Allah (SWT) Alone! (:
|
 |
|
|
Dalton1
3485 Posts |
Posted - 28 Mar 2007 : 13:10:36
|
quote:
Originally posted by SANTANFARA
let river gambia flow. the whirl wind shall come to our direction one day.
Thanks mawdo. have a good day! |
"There is no god but Allah (SWT); and Muhammad (SAW)is His last messenger." shahadah. Fear & Worship Allah (SWT) Alone! (:
|
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 28 Mar 2007 : 18:04:37
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH (Continued)
Let us interrogate the results of the Presidential and National Assembly elections. The total number of voters in Serrekunda Central is put at 30,805 votes. During the Presidential elections a total of 18,485 voters went to the polls 12,320 voters did not vote.
During the National assembly elections a total number of 12,236 voters cast their votes 18,569 voters did not cast their votes. In short, the number of voters dropped by 6,249 votes when the voter turn out in the Presidential and National assembly election are compared. What is responsible for this drop? It had to be explained if we are to map out a realistic way forward for the opposition in Gambian politics. It goes without saying that the vacillation of the voters defied simple explanation. For example, during the Presidential election, APRC's Yahya Jammeh had 11, 395 votes, UDP Ousainou Darboe had 4908 votes while NADD Halifa Sallah had 2182 votes. The number of people who did not vote were more than those who voted for President Jammeh. Interestingly enough, during the National Assembly election the votes of APRC's Sainey Jaiteh was 6386. Compared to Jammeh's 11,395 votes during the presidential election. There was a drop by 5009 votes. What is responsible for the drop? What happened to the votes? This requires explanation.
Furthermore, the UDP's Alhaji Fatty had 1548 votes which fell short of what Mr. Darboe had during the presidential election by 3360 votes. What is responsible for the drops? Where did the votes go to?
In my own case my votes rose from 2182 in the presidential election to 4302 in the National Assembly election. This constituted a rise by 2120 votes. Where did the votes come from? On the other hand, compared to a total number of 5911 votes in the by election of 2005 there was a drop by 1609 votes. Where did the votes go to?
These are questions of fundamental importance if we are to fully understand how and why people vote.
During the presidential elections I took my support base in Serrekunda Central for granted and did not hold a single meeting in the constituency. I had assumed that my role as watch dog of the interest of the people in the National Assembly and my attempt to put National Assembly income and per diems in the service of the people would have been acknowledged as the standards of best practice in performance as National assembly member. I deluded myself into thinking that people in Serrekunda Central could not give more support to any other person if they compared the candidates. I had to come to my senses when I received the results of the presidential election. I sent questionnaires to find out whether the people in Serrekunda Central really believed that my words and deeds were inferior to those of the other candidates. None rated me below the other candidates. All encouraged me to stand in the National Assembly elections. However, during the National Assembly elections I did not take things for granted. I made sure that I was ever present in all corners of the constituency. I held more meetings and did more sensitization than all the candidates. Exceptionally large and enthusiastic crowd that gave me support and made comments everywhere gave the impression to many that my victory was a foregone conclusion. Interestingly enough, when the results were revealed I did not even get the figures I had in the 2002 election not to mention the 2005 by election. How is this to be explained.
Some claim that the voters' cards of many young people who may have voted for me were submitted as a precondition for participation in a football match and were suppressed to deprive me of votes. Today the youths are claiming that they were given T-shirts of different colours bearing the picture of President Jammeh as their jerseys and the D40,000 they were allegedly promised to be the prize for the finalist by the Secretary of State is yet to be a reality. I hope that if this is true, those responsible should act with immediacy to remedy the situation.
Others argue that during the Presidential elections all those who aspire to be councilors or National Assembly members tend to mobilize their own supporters to vote for the Presidential candidate of the APRC in anticipation that they will be recognised and selected to be candidates; that once a candidate is selected those left out would usually undermine the candidate who is selected by asking their supporters to either abstain or support the candidate of another party. They claim that the 5009 people who voted for Jammeh in the Presidential election decided to abstain instead of voting against the APRC candidate because of party pressure.
Others still claim that when the UDP decided to put up a candidate against me they came to the conclusion that the split would cost me the seat. They therefore stayed away rather than engage in a futile venture.
In my view all these explanations are remarkably fanciful. What is of analytical value is that after serving Serrekunda Central and the Gambia for 5 years a voter population of 26, 503 out of 30, 805 registered voters either abstained or voted against me. Furthermore, a voter population of 24, 419 either abstained or did not vote for Sainey Jaiteh who won. This confirms that something is terribly wrong with the electoral system. Either the people do not have faith in the electoral system or it is being manipulated to the extreme. I have looked at the chapter and verse of the voting system. I am convinced that most Gambians, if not all, fully understand that the wealth in national coffers is derived from direct and indirect taxation, payment for services, loans and grants. They are fully aware that it is the president and members of his executive who are responsible for managing the national coffers to provide the services needed by the people. They fully know that National assembly members are watch dogs of the people. They are to monitor how national wealth is utilized to enhance prosperity and how power to govern is exercised to enhance the liberty of the people.
No one needs to be convinced that there is a deficit in liberty and prosperity. The news of prominent people, like Managing Directors and even elected councilors, being arrested and detained without trial are known to all. The poverty is also evident everywhere. Unlike a rural village where people know each other and the identification of which village voted for the APRC or the opposition can be done with ease, the voters in Serrekunda Central are completely free from any fear of any body detecting how they vote. What is as clear as noon day is that many people in Serrekunda Central, in particular, and The Gambia, in general, vote with their mouths and not with ballot tokens. They seem to become concerned after the event. How to reverse this tendency is of chief significance in making the democratic revolution a reality. A people who do not value their right to vote cannot be factors in determining how their country is governed. A people who abstain from voting or are induced or intimidated to vote or not to vote cannot be the architects of their own destiny. A country with such a type of citizenry is a sovereign country without a sovereign people. How to build a sovereign Gambia whose people are capable of making an informed choice without fear due to intimidation or favour due to inducement is the principal task of the democratic revolution. Without achieving this task few people with vested interest will vote every five years just to determine who to surrender their power to rule them and preside over their poverty and misery instead of determining who to entrust their power with to serve them and preside over their liberty and prosperity. The two types of politics, that is, that of liberation and that of patriarchal domination were evident during the campaign. Allow me to revisit the campaign issues of the contending forces.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 36/2007, 28-29 March, 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 28 Mar 2007 : 18:04:37
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH (Continued)
Let us interrogate the results of the Presidential and National Assembly elections. The total number of voters in Serrekunda Central is put at 30,805 votes. During the Presidential elections a total of 18,485 voters went to the polls 12,320 voters did not vote.
During the National assembly elections a total number of 12,236 voters cast their votes 18,569 voters did not cast their votes. In short, the number of voters dropped by 6,249 votes when the voter turn out in the Presidential and National assembly election are compared. What is responsible for this drop? It had to be explained if we are to map out a realistic way forward for the opposition in Gambian politics. It goes without saying that the vacillation of the voters defied simple explanation. For example, during the Presidential election, APRC's Yahya Jammeh had 11, 395 votes, UDP Ousainou Darboe had 4908 votes while NADD Halifa Sallah had 2182 votes. The number of people who did not vote were more than those who voted for President Jammeh. Interestingly enough, during the National Assembly election the votes of APRC's Sainey Jaiteh was 6386. Compared to Jammeh's 11,395 votes during the presidential election. There was a drop by 5009 votes. What is responsible for the drop? What happened to the votes? This requires explanation.
Furthermore, the UDP's Alhaji Fatty had 1548 votes which fell short of what Mr. Darboe had during the presidential election by 3360 votes. What is responsible for the drops? Where did the votes go to?
In my own case my votes rose from 2182 in the presidential election to 4302 in the National Assembly election. This constituted a rise by 2120 votes. Where did the votes come from? On the other hand, compared to a total number of 5911 votes in the by election of 2005 there was a drop by 1609 votes. Where did the votes go to?
These are questions of fundamental importance if we are to fully understand how and why people vote.
During the presidential elections I took my support base in Serrekunda Central for granted and did not hold a single meeting in the constituency. I had assumed that my role as watch dog of the interest of the people in the National Assembly and my attempt to put National Assembly income and per diems in the service of the people would have been acknowledged as the standards of best practice in performance as National assembly member. I deluded myself into thinking that people in Serrekunda Central could not give more support to any other person if they compared the candidates. I had to come to my senses when I received the results of the presidential election. I sent questionnaires to find out whether the people in Serrekunda Central really believed that my words and deeds were inferior to those of the other candidates. None rated me below the other candidates. All encouraged me to stand in the National Assembly elections. However, during the National Assembly elections I did not take things for granted. I made sure that I was ever present in all corners of the constituency. I held more meetings and did more sensitization than all the candidates. Exceptionally large and enthusiastic crowd that gave me support and made comments everywhere gave the impression to many that my victory was a foregone conclusion. Interestingly enough, when the results were revealed I did not even get the figures I had in the 2002 election not to mention the 2005 by election. How is this to be explained.
Some claim that the voters' cards of many young people who may have voted for me were submitted as a precondition for participation in a football match and were suppressed to deprive me of votes. Today the youths are claiming that they were given T-shirts of different colours bearing the picture of President Jammeh as their jerseys and the D40,000 they were allegedly promised to be the prize for the finalist by the Secretary of State is yet to be a reality. I hope that if this is true, those responsible should act with immediacy to remedy the situation.
Others argue that during the Presidential elections all those who aspire to be councilors or National Assembly members tend to mobilize their own supporters to vote for the Presidential candidate of the APRC in anticipation that they will be recognised and selected to be candidates; that once a candidate is selected those left out would usually undermine the candidate who is selected by asking their supporters to either abstain or support the candidate of another party. They claim that the 5009 people who voted for Jammeh in the Presidential election decided to abstain instead of voting against the APRC candidate because of party pressure.
Others still claim that when the UDP decided to put up a candidate against me they came to the conclusion that the split would cost me the seat. They therefore stayed away rather than engage in a futile venture.
In my view all these explanations are remarkably fanciful. What is of analytical value is that after serving Serrekunda Central and the Gambia for 5 years a voter population of 26, 503 out of 30, 805 registered voters either abstained or voted against me. Furthermore, a voter population of 24, 419 either abstained or did not vote for Sainey Jaiteh who won. This confirms that something is terribly wrong with the electoral system. Either the people do not have faith in the electoral system or it is being manipulated to the extreme. I have looked at the chapter and verse of the voting system. I am convinced that most Gambians, if not all, fully understand that the wealth in national coffers is derived from direct and indirect taxation, payment for services, loans and grants. They are fully aware that it is the president and members of his executive who are responsible for managing the national coffers to provide the services needed by the people. They fully know that National assembly members are watch dogs of the people. They are to monitor how national wealth is utilized to enhance prosperity and how power to govern is exercised to enhance the liberty of the people.
No one needs to be convinced that there is a deficit in liberty and prosperity. The news of prominent people, like Managing Directors and even elected councilors, being arrested and detained without trial are known to all. The poverty is also evident everywhere. Unlike a rural village where people know each other and the identification of which village voted for the APRC or the opposition can be done with ease, the voters in Serrekunda Central are completely free from any fear of any body detecting how they vote. What is as clear as noon day is that many people in Serrekunda Central, in particular, and The Gambia, in general, vote with their mouths and not with ballot tokens. They seem to become concerned after the event. How to reverse this tendency is of chief significance in making the democratic revolution a reality. A people who do not value their right to vote cannot be factors in determining how their country is governed. A people who abstain from voting or are induced or intimidated to vote or not to vote cannot be the architects of their own destiny. A country with such a type of citizenry is a sovereign country without a sovereign people. How to build a sovereign Gambia whose people are capable of making an informed choice without fear due to intimidation or favour due to inducement is the principal task of the democratic revolution. Without achieving this task few people with vested interest will vote every five years just to determine who to surrender their power to rule them and preside over their poverty and misery instead of determining who to entrust their power with to serve them and preside over their liberty and prosperity. The two types of politics, that is, that of liberation and that of patriarchal domination were evident during the campaign. Allow me to revisit the campaign issues of the contending forces.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 36/2007, 28-29 March, 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 03 Apr 2007 : 15:19:59
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH (Continued)
THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN
An election campaign must have content and focus. It is a battle for relevance. It can be fought over larger issues or parochial ones. It all depends on the level of awareness of the voter and the order of priorities of the myriad of concerns she or he wants addressed.
In short it is what matters to the voter which motivates him or her to participate or not to participate in elections or to vote or not to vote for a given candidate. Where interests are diverse, minds can change within seconds, minutes, days or weeks depending on the mind set of the voter.
The three candidates who stood in Serrekunda Central adopted different types of campaign methods.
Casting a retrospective glance at the campaign period would reveal that the electorate in Serrekunda Central was divided into active voters and passive ones. The fact that, out of more than 30, 000 registered voters, more than 18, 000 did not vote, confirms that the passive voters constituted the silent majority.
It is now clear as daylight that the single voters who allowed despair to sneak into their hearts to the point of staying away from the polls have combined to prevent 18, 000 votes from being cast thus deciding the outcome of the election. This further confirms that even the person who abstains from voting can decide the outcome of election. No person who has power to vote can therefore fail to accept responsibility for the outcome of elections.
Let us look at the justification given for the voter apathy.
Some of the people who counted themselves among the 11, 000 plus people who voted for the APRC in the presidential elections did not vote for Sainey Jaiteh because of their claim that he was not their choice of candidate. Some abstained. Some supported my candidature or that of the UDP.
During the interviews conducted to gauge whether people wanted me to stand as a candidate or not, several concerned persons indicated to me that they had their fears that if the UDP were to put up a candidate, the split will undermine my support base. They also conveyed to me that during the registration of voters, many underaged children were registered as well as others who were suspected to be non Gambians and non residents in the constituency.
In short, a number of people abstained because of the lack of faith in the electoral system on the chance of success.
Some people came to confess that they gave up on the system when they heard the decision of the court of appeal to overturn the earlier decision of the High Court to bar those whose names did not appear in the register from voting. They argued that in the face of the split, a decision to allow those whose names are not found in a register of voters to vote made the casting of their votes a futile exercise.
Now one may ask: What were the characteristics of the active voters?
The answer is simple. The active voters could be divided into four categories.
First and foremost, are the voters with sovereign minds of their own? They were ready to follow the issues and vote for the person of their choice free from any inducement or intimidation.
The second category of voters were poised to vote on party lines.
The third category voted purely on tribal lines.
The fourth category of voters are those who saw the election campaign period as a time for trade. They were resolved to give their votes to the highest bidder.
One of our ex-supporters told his colleagues in the opposition the following on the phone to woe them to support Sainey Jaiteh. According to him, he was in the compound of ministers and is provided with all that he needed. He asked them to join him.
In retrospect the results of the elections confirm that those who voted on party lines alone could not guarantee victory to any of the candidates. Hence the election results of 6000, 4000 and 1500 against a voter role of 30, 000 cannot accord any party any comfort that it has the majority of voters in Serrekunda Central in its grip. Only the complacent will fail to see the need for each party or candidate to go back to the drawing board to study the material conditions and social consciousness they give birth to, in order to know how to engage such a complex group of voters.
In order to achieve this task, it is necessary to follow the foot prints of the campaign of each of the candidates to look at the issues and their impact on the electorate and the final results.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 38/2007, 2-3 April 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 03 Apr 2007 : 15:19:59
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH (Continued)
THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN
An election campaign must have content and focus. It is a battle for relevance. It can be fought over larger issues or parochial ones. It all depends on the level of awareness of the voter and the order of priorities of the myriad of concerns she or he wants addressed.
In short it is what matters to the voter which motivates him or her to participate or not to participate in elections or to vote or not to vote for a given candidate. Where interests are diverse, minds can change within seconds, minutes, days or weeks depending on the mind set of the voter.
The three candidates who stood in Serrekunda Central adopted different types of campaign methods.
Casting a retrospective glance at the campaign period would reveal that the electorate in Serrekunda Central was divided into active voters and passive ones. The fact that, out of more than 30, 000 registered voters, more than 18, 000 did not vote, confirms that the passive voters constituted the silent majority.
It is now clear as daylight that the single voters who allowed despair to sneak into their hearts to the point of staying away from the polls have combined to prevent 18, 000 votes from being cast thus deciding the outcome of the election. This further confirms that even the person who abstains from voting can decide the outcome of election. No person who has power to vote can therefore fail to accept responsibility for the outcome of elections.
Let us look at the justification given for the voter apathy.
Some of the people who counted themselves among the 11, 000 plus people who voted for the APRC in the presidential elections did not vote for Sainey Jaiteh because of their claim that he was not their choice of candidate. Some abstained. Some supported my candidature or that of the UDP.
During the interviews conducted to gauge whether people wanted me to stand as a candidate or not, several concerned persons indicated to me that they had their fears that if the UDP were to put up a candidate, the split will undermine my support base. They also conveyed to me that during the registration of voters, many underaged children were registered as well as others who were suspected to be non Gambians and non residents in the constituency.
In short, a number of people abstained because of the lack of faith in the electoral system on the chance of success.
Some people came to confess that they gave up on the system when they heard the decision of the court of appeal to overturn the earlier decision of the High Court to bar those whose names did not appear in the register from voting. They argued that in the face of the split, a decision to allow those whose names are not found in a register of voters to vote made the casting of their votes a futile exercise.
Now one may ask: What were the characteristics of the active voters?
The answer is simple. The active voters could be divided into four categories.
First and foremost, are the voters with sovereign minds of their own? They were ready to follow the issues and vote for the person of their choice free from any inducement or intimidation.
The second category of voters were poised to vote on party lines.
The third category voted purely on tribal lines.
The fourth category of voters are those who saw the election campaign period as a time for trade. They were resolved to give their votes to the highest bidder.
One of our ex-supporters told his colleagues in the opposition the following on the phone to woe them to support Sainey Jaiteh. According to him, he was in the compound of ministers and is provided with all that he needed. He asked them to join him.
In retrospect the results of the elections confirm that those who voted on party lines alone could not guarantee victory to any of the candidates. Hence the election results of 6000, 4000 and 1500 against a voter role of 30, 000 cannot accord any party any comfort that it has the majority of voters in Serrekunda Central in its grip. Only the complacent will fail to see the need for each party or candidate to go back to the drawing board to study the material conditions and social consciousness they give birth to, in order to know how to engage such a complex group of voters.
In order to achieve this task, it is necessary to follow the foot prints of the campaign of each of the candidates to look at the issues and their impact on the electorate and the final results.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 38/2007, 2-3 April 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 07 Apr 2007 : 18:43:18
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH (Continued)
The campaign was conducted at three fronts, that is, the media, the rallies and the community.
Focusing on the APRC campaign platform, I must say that it played host to many interesting tendencies. The first tendency which has been given prominence in the victory celebrations of the APRC in the KMC area, is the role played by SOS Nenneh Macdouall Gaye. I need to explain very clearly what is responsible for the results of the elections. Hence, the role the Secretary of State played in Serrekunda Central should be put in its proper perspective, since the APRC deemed it to be decisive. I am fully convinced that her presence is not what is responsible for the results just as Aziz Tamba’s presence was not responsible for the transfer of the seats to the APRC in the bye election of 2005. If the presence of Aziz Tamba was the key factor in the transfer of the seat then the APRC would not have held on to the Saloum seat in the 2007 National Assembly elections. Hence there is more to the capacity to influence events than mere personality traits. Political science teaches that influence is derived from the marriage between interest and power. In politics the closer one is to the centre of power the greater the potential to serve one’s interest.
At this very moment, President Jammeh is the centre of power. Many Gambians who have not attained a high degree of self reliance, self actualization or mental liberation still revere and worship power. They still want close proximity to power. Hence those who want to get closer to power to serve a particular interest perceive that a particular person can be their conduit, they would allow such a person to have great influence over them. In short, Aziz Tamba was once feared by heads of departments, security forces and even Secretaries of State because of his perceived proximity to the Head of State. With such perceived proximity to power one can become a unifying factor of different interest groups. In Serrekunda Central, the influence of the SoS began to creep during the registration exercise when some APRC supporters decided to protest when the IEC stopped registration because of the shortage of registration materials. Interestingly enough a government which has a zero tolerance for protests had its T.V cameras on these protestors condemning the IEC Chairman. The SoS had to appear many times at the registration centres to assure the women leaders of the APRC that their people will be registered. It was therefore no surprise that when Ndondi Njie was removed, the women leaders at the polling stations jubilated.
The influence increased as more women groups held the SoS as the mother of their societies. The route is known to us all. We can count the number of people that had paved their own way. What all those who pass through this route should to do is to know that they posses no power of their own; that they are mere transmission belts of the interests of youth groups, women groups, religious groups and other social groups to the centre of power for recharging. One must never believe that one is indispensable in that you are the maker of the power. At least, Aziz Tamba, among others, would not entertain such a notion at this moment. Now, let’s move back to the question: what role did the SoS play in Serrekunda Central? The answer is simple.
Being perceived to be a person who can help all interest groups to get close to the citadel of power, those who believed that their interest could be served fell under her influence. Hence, those who wanted sponsorship for their football tournaments, aspirants of the seat who were not selected by the APRC selection team, the women leaders who were opposed to the candidate could all be drawn together by the hope that one influential person could get them close to the centre of power and have their interest served.
Suffice it to say, as hopes are dashed such influences become as light as feather. This is the verdict of political science and it is irrevocable. Infact, after the presidential elections the women near the People’s Centre who used to draw water from our tap stopped to do so, claiming that another outlet for water had been provided by the APRC.
It did not take long for them to be asked to pay 2 dalasi per container. However because of the National Assembly elections they did not push the agenda of payment vigorously. Immediately after the National Assembly elections they have been asked to pay 80 dalasis each or have the tap closed. They failed to pay and the tap was closed. I would like to inform the current National Assembly Member that I used to give community services of different sorts not because of vain generosity but because of my realization that I was being paid tax payers’ money and my conscience could not permit me to live in luxury on national assembly income while neighbourly needs were there to be satisfied. I hope the SoS whose family home is a stone throw from the People’s Centre will open the doors for the women to get water or influence the KMC to open a tap for those close to the centre. This will restore their crumbling hopes and make them forget that I was ever their National Assembly Member, otherwise the lean initiative of their campaign team after the curtains of the drama of the elections have been closed would enable my campaign team to draw renewed vigour from my record and help this force that you deem to have vanquished to rise again and become more gigantic than it had ever been before. The price of complacency after victory is eternal demise. This is the verdict of historical experience and it is incontrovertible.
Allow me to move to the second tendency which characterized the APRC campaign team. The second tendency constitutes the role of the once acknowledged leaders of the National and parliamentary opposition during the first Republic. Having been pushed aside to pass out of existence both inside and outside the National Assembly, the NCP stalwarts, like Mr. Gibou Jagne, have been trying to lay a bridge between the annihilation of their party and its existence by succumbing to the whims and caprices of the APRC campaign team, during rallies they gave the impression that they were faithful members of an alliance which would leave nothing undone in taking the seat back from the Halifa Sallah.
In private, the members of the NCP would give the impression to their members that Sainey Jaiteh was an NCP candidate; that voting for him would restore NCP to its past glory. In short, they will give the impression that the alliance is just a survival tactic.
Needles to say, when they are with the party stalwarts, they would indicate that the party leader had given word that all those loyal to him should support the APRC candidates.
The irony of the NCP strategy is that the APRC keeps on swallowing their members and the seats keep on going to the APRC to the point that now the NCP has no political personality of its own inside or outside of the National Assembly.
Since the 2001 presidential election, it has not contested any seats. This type of survival tactic is indeed a very strange one. It is actuating opposition. The APRC owes a lot to these people and should give them their share of the cake. At least no one would then say that they have presided over the death of their party in vain. Seldom does a major opposition party disappear from the political scene like chaff in the wind without at least a trace of its attempt to struggle for a space under the sun. The tendency is exhibited by those who had initiated projects to be financed by schemes established by Baba Jobe, but could not succeed. An example could be found in the case of one of the ladies who was prominent on T.V during the campaign. I will not mention her name but will explain our encounter so that the APRC will give them the assistance they deserve. In short, in the early part of 2005, I examined the project proposals submitted by this particular woman at the People’s Centre. It was a very viable one. She appears to be a hardworking woman with ideas. I promised to incorporate the project so that it can be run on a partnership basis to enable the centre to benefit and generate employment for some women. To expand the support base of the centre, her son enrolled in the computer class to develop his skills and he received periodic counselling on career options. Unfortunately, our seats were declared vacant and we had to go through an expensive by election. This was followed by arrests and preparation for presidential and National Assembly elections.
I recognized that the financial omnipotence of the APRC makes it the last port of call for all those whose material interests have been imperiled. I, therefore, fully understand the source of the criticism of many of those who appeared on the APRC platforms, especially those Chairwomen, village development committee activists, councillors, green boys and girls who benefited from our services.
The fourth tendency deals with the group of elders led by the Alkalo of Serrekunda. I am still trying to understand the open declaration by the Alkali or village head at registration centres, group meetings and public gatherings that they will work tooth and nail to unseat me. Interestingly enough, the battle started with the avalanche of attestation forms which he issued to his brother, in particular, and the women leaders, in general, to help them in their mobilization exercise to help register voters. It became evident that the attestation forms were being issued selectively by the brother whose table had to be moved many times so that he would not appear to be part of the registration team. Of course, the presence of the Alkali and his brother in the campaign team of the APRC again raised questions regarding our system of determination of citizenship and residence. How relevant is this system of relying on a village head or a National Assembly member etc, to validate application for ID cards and other documents. How impartial are such people who stand on election platforms to denounce candidates of opposition parties. These are questions of vital importance in raising the issue of electoral reform. Now let me proceed to the campaign issues.
The campaign issues raised by the APRC campaign team were informed in content.
They maintained that governmental authority in the hands of the president should be backed by an APRC parliamentary majority. Let me mention in passing that The Gambian National Assembly elections did follow the heels of the US congressional elections which has confirmed to the whole world that the Executive can be made to govern more prudently if it is twinned with an assembly or congress that is capable of scrutinizing, criticizing and restraining the exercise of executive authority.
On APRC platform, they were trumpeting the slogan that “No development for a constituency without an APRC assembly member. They claimed that Serrekunda Central lacked development because of their choice of Mr. Sallah; that the President wants to bring development but cannot work with Halifa Sallah because Halifa is constantly saying bad things about the government in and outside the national assembly. Some claimed that Halifa Sallah’s whole role in the National Assembly is to show that he is knowledgeable; that he has not brought development to Serrekunda, that only President Jammeh can bring development to Serrekunda Central. The long and short of the message delivered by the APRC campaign team did not go beyond this.
At the community level they visited homes and gave promises to football teams by organizing a football tournament.
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 39/07, 4th – 5th April 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 11 Apr 2007 : 01:46:55
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH
(Continuation)
I am not sure how many votes the APRC campaign team received because of their message. It appears to me that the hope many had that if the seat is taken they will receive rewards from the president compelled many of the APRC aspirants to the post and the candidate as well as their group leaders to work as a team and avoid the dangers of a split in their ranks.
This was evident on the day of voting as the group leaders hanged in the wings with mobile phones to check whether the people they have mobilised have voted or not.
Needles to say, the absence of the youth in particular and many people who were decisive at the polling centres were also evident. What made this a possibility is still a mystery to me. This mystery has to be resolved if any party is to make headway in the future. The degree of induced or voluntary apathy is a indeed a threat to Gambian democracy.
The UDP campaign team relied mainly on the support base of the party to conduct their campaign. Their criticisms were mainly directed at me and not the APRC candidate. They gave the impression that the APRC candidate was a poor choice, which was done to enable the UDP to take the seat. Some of the members in their campaign team would thank those they alluded to be in the APRC who had done them a favour by selecting that particular APRC candidate.
In explaining why I should not be elected they claimed that I had done nothing for Serrekunda Central but kept on giving figures after figures of different sorts that can never change anything. They emphasised that what the constituency needed was development and not just figures and analysis. They highlighted the lack of facilities in the constituency and claim that I have done nothing to make them available.
Some of them took personal shots at me by saying that I look down on a particular ethnic group.
In the house to house and community campaign they told their supporters that I was responsible for the UDP’s failure to win the presidential elections and should be taught a lesson by making me to lose my deposit.
The candidate argued that he was young and that I belong to the old guard and cannot be with the youth to enjoy cigarettes, clubs and ceremonies.
I don’t know what impact their campaign method had on the results but it did not help the image of the UDP in Serrekunda central. Many prominent personalities of the UDP approached me to distance themselves from the UDP campaign issues in the constituency.
I was the incumbent. I had to give analysis in general but was also compelled to be accountable to my electorate in the face of claims that I was not delivering. As a personal philosophy, I have always associated the promotion of self with deficit in humility. This however is applicable in social interaction but very much out of tune with the tennets of democratic representation which calls for accountability. I therefore had to do what I have always refused to be tempted to do, that is to put my record on the election platform.
My campaign team therefore relied on both analyses of the general functions of a National Assembly member to try to prove that I am more competent to perform such functions than the others as well as present my record over the five years for review.
On the NADD platform I emphasised to the electorate that a Sovereign Republic is a country own and by its people; that he or she who is not conscious of his or her ownership of the country cannot be considered a sovereign citizen. That the first chapter of the constitution establishes Gambia as a Sovereign Republic emphasises that sovereignty resides in the people; that it further went on to safeguard the power of the people by asserting that those who are managing the affairs of the state must derive their authority from the consent of the people and must utilise the authority entrusted to them to promote the liberty and prosperity of the people. I argued vehemently that where there is deficit in liberty and prosperity the people should hold those they entrust with power accountable and if they are found to be deficient in their ability to safeguard public trust they should replace them with those who are capable of addressing their needs and aspirations. I indicated that the voters’ card is an embodiment of the sovereign power of each citizen. That it connotes that each of us has equal say in managing the affairs of the country; that each sovereign person is accountable to posterity in how he or she goes about entrusting his or her power to representatives.
I emphasised that anybody accorded the will power to choose have a duty to rely on reason to assess options and make informed decisions. That the progress of nations towards liberty and prosperity or their lapse into poverty and tyranny rests on the choices the electorate make and the decisions they take.
I told them that before they elect representatives they must know the functions of public offices.
I explained that there are three branches of institutions of representation whose functions the other candidates and their campaign leaders have been either unable or unwilling to distinguish, that is, the executive, the legislative and the local councils. I indicated to them that the local councils are responsible for paving the streets, providing public taps, toilets, urinaries, parks, playing grounds, markets, council clinics, schools and other facilities by taxing market vendors, compound owners, taxi drivers, companies etc. I told them that no one had paid duties from markets, garages and compound rates to me to provide them with services; that this is paid to councils; that if services are missing it is the APRC councillors who should be held accountable for the underdevelopment of the area.
I made it abundantly clear that the executive is entrusted with the responsibility of appointing secretaries of state or ministers who are to oversee the work of each department. That such people are required to formulate policies, prepare programmes and projects and see their implementation. I indicated to them that these secretaries of state work with their technical advisers to prepare and cost the running of departments of state and various programmes and projects and then submit their requests to the National Assembly for approval. That they are to ensure that the resources are utilized to enhance prosperity and general welfare. It was made clear that it is the local councils that should bring up development of towns and wards, that it is the executive that should bring about the development of the Nation as a whole.
That if there is any claim by anybody in the APRC that a certain constituency is not developing the APRC executive and Councillors should be asked to render account. That those areas which are neglected by the executive and councils should select such other representatives during Presidential and Council elections who would cater for their needs from their tax monies. I intimated that the revenue of the country comprises tax and services with the tax component constituting the largest share for financing the day to day operation of the government; that the development budget depends on loans, grants and local contributions. That the loans and grants take up to 90% of the development budget. That the total recurrent and development budget is over 4000 million dalasis.
I made it clear that the councils collect duties and other fees, licences and taxes from hotels, shops, business concerns including the markets and car parks and compounds to meet the services needed by the people.
I added that with such huge monies entrusted to the executive and councils there is need to have an oversight institution responsible for monitoring the way the resources are managed. I indicated to them that the National Assembly is to prepare such oversight responsibility. I proceeded to show them in practical terms what the National Assembly members do to scrutinize how the country is governed as well as set laws, international agreements and policies. I gave them the following examples of my work in the National Assembly:-
To be continue
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 40&41/2007, 9, 10, 11 & 12 April, 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11835 Posts |
Posted - 11 Apr 2007 : 01:46:55
|
LETTER TO NADD EXECUTIVE BY EX-FLAG BEARER, HALIFA SALLAH
(Continuation)
I am not sure how many votes the APRC campaign team received because of their message. It appears to me that the hope many had that if the seat is taken they will receive rewards from the president compelled many of the APRC aspirants to the post and the candidate as well as their group leaders to work as a team and avoid the dangers of a split in their ranks.
This was evident on the day of voting as the group leaders hanged in the wings with mobile phones to check whether the people they have mobilised have voted or not.
Needles to say, the absence of the youth in particular and many people who were decisive at the polling centres were also evident. What made this a possibility is still a mystery to me. This mystery has to be resolved if any party is to make headway in the future. The degree of induced or voluntary apathy is a indeed a threat to Gambian democracy.
The UDP campaign team relied mainly on the support base of the party to conduct their campaign. Their criticisms were mainly directed at me and not the APRC candidate. They gave the impression that the APRC candidate was a poor choice, which was done to enable the UDP to take the seat. Some of the members in their campaign team would thank those they alluded to be in the APRC who had done them a favour by selecting that particular APRC candidate.
In explaining why I should not be elected they claimed that I had done nothing for Serrekunda Central but kept on giving figures after figures of different sorts that can never change anything. They emphasised that what the constituency needed was development and not just figures and analysis. They highlighted the lack of facilities in the constituency and claim that I have done nothing to make them available.
Some of them took personal shots at me by saying that I look down on a particular ethnic group.
In the house to house and community campaign they told their supporters that I was responsible for the UDP’s failure to win the presidential elections and should be taught a lesson by making me to lose my deposit.
The candidate argued that he was young and that I belong to the old guard and cannot be with the youth to enjoy cigarettes, clubs and ceremonies.
I don’t know what impact their campaign method had on the results but it did not help the image of the UDP in Serrekunda central. Many prominent personalities of the UDP approached me to distance themselves from the UDP campaign issues in the constituency.
I was the incumbent. I had to give analysis in general but was also compelled to be accountable to my electorate in the face of claims that I was not delivering. As a personal philosophy, I have always associated the promotion of self with deficit in humility. This however is applicable in social interaction but very much out of tune with the tennets of democratic representation which calls for accountability. I therefore had to do what I have always refused to be tempted to do, that is to put my record on the election platform.
My campaign team therefore relied on both analyses of the general functions of a National Assembly member to try to prove that I am more competent to perform such functions than the others as well as present my record over the five years for review.
On the NADD platform I emphasised to the electorate that a Sovereign Republic is a country own and by its people; that he or she who is not conscious of his or her ownership of the country cannot be considered a sovereign citizen. That the first chapter of the constitution establishes Gambia as a Sovereign Republic emphasises that sovereignty resides in the people; that it further went on to safeguard the power of the people by asserting that those who are managing the affairs of the state must derive their authority from the consent of the people and must utilise the authority entrusted to them to promote the liberty and prosperity of the people. I argued vehemently that where there is deficit in liberty and prosperity the people should hold those they entrust with power accountable and if they are found to be deficient in their ability to safeguard public trust they should replace them with those who are capable of addressing their needs and aspirations. I indicated that the voters’ card is an embodiment of the sovereign power of each citizen. That it connotes that each of us has equal say in managing the affairs of the country; that each sovereign person is accountable to posterity in how he or she goes about entrusting his or her power to representatives.
I emphasised that anybody accorded the will power to choose have a duty to rely on reason to assess options and make informed decisions. That the progress of nations towards liberty and prosperity or their lapse into poverty and tyranny rests on the choices the electorate make and the decisions they take.
I told them that before they elect representatives they must know the functions of public offices.
I explained that there are three branches of institutions of representation whose functions the other candidates and their campaign leaders have been either unable or unwilling to distinguish, that is, the executive, the legislative and the local councils. I indicated to them that the local councils are responsible for paving the streets, providing public taps, toilets, urinaries, parks, playing grounds, markets, council clinics, schools and other facilities by taxing market vendors, compound owners, taxi drivers, companies etc. I told them that no one had paid duties from markets, garages and compound rates to me to provide them with services; that this is paid to councils; that if services are missing it is the APRC councillors who should be held accountable for the underdevelopment of the area.
I made it abundantly clear that the executive is entrusted with the responsibility of appointing secretaries of state or ministers who are to oversee the work of each department. That such people are required to formulate policies, prepare programmes and projects and see their implementation. I indicated to them that these secretaries of state work with their technical advisers to prepare and cost the running of departments of state and various programmes and projects and then submit their requests to the National Assembly for approval. That they are to ensure that the resources are utilized to enhance prosperity and general welfare. It was made clear that it is the local councils that should bring up development of towns and wards, that it is the executive that should bring about the development of the Nation as a whole.
That if there is any claim by anybody in the APRC that a certain constituency is not developing the APRC executive and Councillors should be asked to render account. That those areas which are neglected by the executive and councils should select such other representatives during Presidential and Council elections who would cater for their needs from their tax monies. I intimated that the revenue of the country comprises tax and services with the tax component constituting the largest share for financing the day to day operation of the government; that the development budget depends on loans, grants and local contributions. That the loans and grants take up to 90% of the development budget. That the total recurrent and development budget is over 4000 million dalasis.
I made it clear that the councils collect duties and other fees, licences and taxes from hotels, shops, business concerns including the markets and car parks and compounds to meet the services needed by the people.
I added that with such huge monies entrusted to the executive and councils there is need to have an oversight institution responsible for monitoring the way the resources are managed. I indicated to them that the National Assembly is to prepare such oversight responsibility. I proceeded to show them in practical terms what the National Assembly members do to scrutinize how the country is governed as well as set laws, international agreements and policies. I gave them the following examples of my work in the National Assembly:-
To be continue
Source: Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 40&41/2007, 9, 10, 11 & 12 April, 2007 |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
|
Topic |
|
|
|
| Bantaba in Cyberspace |
© 2005-2024 Nijii |
|
|
|
Topic Locked
