|
|
Author |
Topic |
|
kayjatta
2978 Posts |
Posted - 22 Jul 2013 : 08:46:38
|
JULY 22: NO REVOLUTION IN THE GAMBIA (REVISED).
Kayjatta Kansas City
INTRODUCTION
Today July 22, 2013 marked 19 years of military rule in the Gambia. In the summer of 1994, disgruntled junior officers of the Gambia National Army (GNA) toppled the democratically elected PPP government of Alhagie Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara that ruled the Gambia for thirty years, since independence from Britain in 1965. Jammeh’s role in that coup still remains unclear despite his repeated claim that he led it. Many Gambians believe that he was selected to leadership only because of his seniority. President Jammeh has since retired from the army after promoting himself to colonel and has transformed his military council (AFPRC) into the ruling APRC political party that has won four consecutive presidential elections widely condemned by independent observers as not free and fair. Despite his civilian façade, President Jammeh continues to rule as a military dictator, assuming enormous national security powers, and in the process destroying all the democratic institutions of the country. The legislature, the judiciary, opposition parties, labor unions, student organizations, the media, business associations, NGOs, religious groups, etc have all been reduced to the ground through various tactics of intimidation – including detentions, torture, and executions of perceived enemies. At the time of the July 22 military coup, the Gambia was enjoying relative peace and stability in a very unstable West African sub-region. The fall of Jawara’s PPP (peoples’ Progressive Party) government was considered “…sad times“for African democracy. At the time of the coup, the Gambia was considered to have the “longest functioning democracy in Africa”. The coup of July 1994 in the Gambia was part of a larger trend in Africa since January 1963 when soldiers brought down the elected government of Silvanus Olympio in Togo. This military intervention in Togo was quickly followed by Congo (DRC) and Benin in August and October respectively, when civilian governments in both countries were toppled. Many other African countries experienced military interventions, some repeatedly since then. Nigerian (January 1966, July 1966, 1975, 1976, 1983, 1985, 1990 and 1993). Ghana (1975, 1978, and 1979). Gabon (1964), Angola (1977), Kenya (1982), Mali (1968, 1991, and 2012), Sierra Leone (1968, 1992, 1996, and 1997) Liberia (1980, 1989), Senegal (1962), Gambia (1981, 1994), Uganda (1971, 1986). The military have either toppled or attempted to topple governments in other countries including Ethiopia, Somalia, Egypt, Algeria, Burkina Faso, Guinea Bissau and Guinea Conakry. Jammeh came to power against this backdrop. The civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone were still raging; and political sentiments about the military regimes of Valentine Strasser (Sierra Leone), General Sani Abacha (Nigeria), Ft. Lt. JJ Rawlings Ghana), and Col. Qaddaffi (Libya) were still fever high. JULY 1994 REVOLUTION, OR IS IT? The aftermath of the military takeover of 1994 is still very controversial. Jammeh’s ardent supporters often refer to it as “The Revolution”, while many other Gambians consider it to have fallen far short of its revolutionary promise. There is a huge gulf between ‘pretention and reality’. The AFPRC/APRC government, despite its rhetoric and lofty development ambition, barely qualify as a reformist regime much more a revolutionary one. It has to be admitted however, that Jammeh; considering his socio-economic background, could have been the ideal voice and hope for the struggling masses of Gambians. Part of the explanation for the initial support for the coup is that many Gambians were able to identify with him after decades of PPP squander and arrogance. But since coming to power, despite its rhetoric, the AFPRC/APRC has no radical economic or cultural vision. ‘July 22’, for nineteen years now, has not gotten rid of old ideas and structures in favor of new economic and social relationships. Vision 2020, the government's blueprint for socio-economic change has failed. Both economic and political power remains concentrated in the hands of a few army officers and their civilian cronies in the private sector. The masses of Gambians remain even poorer than they were under the civilian government that was toppled on July 22, 1994. There is no political education or actual re-orientation of the masses, partly because the coup makers on July 22 have no political education themselves. There is also no ideological underpinning to differentiate AFPRC/APRC from the civilian government of Jawara’s PPP. Instead of mass political education and re-orientation, decentralizing power into the hands of the people, and increased economic efficiency; widespread abuse of power and corruption continues to be the order of the day. Therefore, Jammeh is not even a “reluctant revolutionary” as in the case of Saikou Toure (Guinea Conakry) - his latest idol. And certainly there were no “Arusha Declaration” as in the case of Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Through his poor governance and human rights violations, President Jammeh has alienated Gambia’s development partners around the world. Jammeh himself has not been officially welcomed in Europe or the United States-Gambia's traditional allies- for almost all of his entire two decades in office. The European Union further suspended much needed development funds to the Gambia following the recent standoff over the Jammeh-regime’s human rights obligations under the ‘Cotonou Agreement’. Fear and uncertainty continues to grip the nation. Creativity and self-expression are stifled. As a result, economic development (which goes hand-in-hand with good governance) remains an illusion. Also Jammeh’s “Back to the Land” call (a central tenet of ‘The Revolution’) which takes away productive land from the ordinary people and give them to the rich few is not helping his alleged revolutionary standing. The “Back to the Land” call by the APRC is no semblance to the “Green Revolution” of the Indian Punjab. CONCLUSION: A revolution, in order to succeed, must radically transform the economic, social, cultural, and political existence of a given people. The military regime of Yahya Jammeh, for nearly two decades from July 22, 1994 to July 22, 2013 has not succeeded, as it promised, in seriously transforming the Gambian economic and social structures in any profound way. Poverty and inequality remains high and continues to increase. Jammeh’s rule continues to be remembered for its human rights abuses more than anything else. And the socio-economic condition of Gambians is worse than ever. Therefore, the call for another struggle for independence still remains valid in the Gambia. This is well captured in the words of Alexander Hamilton (a United States founding father): "Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been and ever will be pursued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit...".
|
|
Momodou
Denmark
11641 Posts |
Posted - 22 Jul 2013 : 09:56:42
|
Kay, It’s good to see your contrribution again. As usual, thanks for your enlightening piece on the so called 22 July revolution. For many it is a nightmare and only about the security and service of one man and his business enterprises. Thanks for the history lesson of military interventions in Africa since independence years. |
A clear conscience fears no accusation - proverb from Sierra Leone |
|
|
toubab1020
12306 Posts |
Posted - 22 Jul 2013 : 12:17:07
|
KAY,this phrase used in conclusion of your piece,is excellent and hopefully may find it's way into common political talk worldwide.
"A revolution, in order to succeed, must radically transform the economic, social, cultural, and political existence of a given people."
quote: Originally posted by kayjatta
JULY 22: NO REVOLUTION IN THE GAMBIA (REVISED).
Kayjatta Kansas City
|
"Simple is good" & I strongly dislike politics. You cannot defend the indefensible.
|
|
|
kaanibaa
United Kingdom
1169 Posts |
Posted - 22 Jul 2013 : 19:44:11
|
Kayjatta nice piece cheers buddy. |
|
|
dbaldeh
USA
934 Posts |
Posted - 23 Jul 2013 : 01:52:20
|
Kayjatta, good to see you again.. I didn't know Senegal ever had a military coup (Senegal 1962)... Can you elaborate more on this... excuse my ignorance on that...
Thanks
Demba |
Baldeh, "Be the change you want to see in the world" Ghandi Visit http://www.gainako.com for your daily news and politics |
|
|
dbaldeh
USA
934 Posts |
Posted - 23 Jul 2013 : 01:57:01
|
Ok from just a simple google search I found that some one by the name of Mamadou Dia who was the then prime Minister of Senegal was accused of plotting to overthrow the government of Leopale Senghore.. That then hew was force to resigned and there was no coup...Am I missing anything..
"In 1962, he was accused of plotting a coup and as a result, was forced to resign and was subsequently imprisoned until 1974"
Here is a link to more information about Mamadou Dia and his alleged coup in 1962..
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/feb/03/mamadou-dia-obituary-senegal
Thanks
|
Baldeh, "Be the change you want to see in the world" Ghandi Visit http://www.gainako.com for your daily news and politics |
Edited by - dbaldeh on 23 Jul 2013 01:59:47 |
|
|
Ebra
Gambia
268 Posts |
Posted - 25 Jul 2013 : 07:51:21
|
Kayjatta Long time Bro. I will email you tomorrow. Don't eat too much. |
|
|
MADIBA
United Kingdom
1275 Posts |
Posted - 25 Jul 2013 : 18:45:30
|
Kay, good to know that you are alive and kicking. hahhaha
|
madiss |
|
|
MADIBA
United Kingdom
1275 Posts |
Posted - 26 Jul 2013 : 12:03:02
|
Kay , thanks for the paper i can can call it one.
How i see it. A perspective a bit different from yours. To begin with few corrections for you. Senegal has never witnessed a coup . As opposed to wat u claim, there wasnt any coup at all. President Senghor was just wary of his prime minister Mamadou DIA. Dia was action oriented and wanted complete independence whilst Senghor wanted to be suckling from France and refused to be weaned. In other words Dia wanted a quick break from the colonial master France and Senghor wanted to keep the relationship as long as possible. This didnt go down well with France and its puppet Senghor. Dia came up wit a document that would liberate the rural farming population from the wicked clutches of French government and its businesses. In short Dia wanted to nationalized key sectors in agriculture which was the back-bone of the economy and that meant prosperity of the farmers but that spelt doom for French businesses.
So Dia posed a real threat to French interests in Senegal and the sub-region so Dia had to go at all cost. Senghor decided to get rid of him by claiming that Dia wanted to stage a coup against him. The pretext was Dia as Prime Minister and head of gov't used force , 'Garde Repulicaine' to forcibly evict dessident MPs from the house following their refusal to take a pay-cut in other to finance needed development projects at the time. It was later detected that infact it was a trap Senghor laid to get Dia. He instigated the MPs not to take the pay-cut. And the MPs demosntrated and Dia reacted by using force to evict the demonstrators from the national assembly. Does a mere eviction order constitute a coup d'etat? Only in Senghor's world of puppets. So Senegal has NEVER experienced a coup.
With regards to Jammeh's revolution i think its 50-50. Its sweet-sour. I will always say there was a need to put a stop the to mis-rule of the sadistic PPP gov't. At that time the end justified the means. They had to go in any way. It was the choice of a frustrated people. It would require an entirely different thread to give successes and failures of the AFPRC/APRC gov'ts. However here is my brief take:
To me Jammeh and co registered the following successes: 1- Bring a much needed University Education to gambians 2- Getting a wider coverage for the national broadcasters GRTS radio ad getting a TV station for the first time 3- Bringing education closer to the people by building schools in all corners of the country 4- Road networks/bridges just to name a few
Failures: 1- lack of a greater freedom for the press 2- break down of the civil services 3- syndrome of fear amongst the serving men and women of the armed forces 4- Disappearances 5- inadequate transparencies
just to name a few
I dnt personally feel that he had woefully failed. sweet-sour or 50-50 |
madiss |
Edited by - MADIBA on 26 Jul 2013 12:07:42 |
|
|
kayjatta
2978 Posts |
Posted - 27 Jul 2013 : 20:04:28
|
Thanks for your comments and observations. I am aware that there are always competing narratives to history. I will try to address them, hopefully next time I review this article. But allow me to say this: As for the 1962 event in Senegal, many Western scholars including Dent and Tordoff agreed that there was an attempted constitutional coup. Many Senegalese writers such as Ndiaye and Bachilly were not quite categorical on this matter however. The leader of the 1962 event, Mr. Dia was nonetheless convicted for the allegations... As for the aftermath of the coup of 1994 in the Gambia, I have stated in the article that it "remains controversial". Jammeh's supporters and opponents have different views. However, I tried to measure "the Revolution" against a particular (perhaps scholarly)accepted notion of what a revolution is.... Thank you all; and thanks Momodou for keeping the conversation going while Kay, Moe, and Turk were away.
Of course "Kayjatta is not an attorney...." :) |
|
|
|
Topic |
|
|
|
Bantaba in Cyberspace |
© 2005-2024 Nijii |
|
|
|